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Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi told Al Jazeera that he has exchanged messages with Steve Witkoff, the senior envoy appointed by President Donald Trump, but stressed that these contacts do not constitute formal negotiations. "I receive messages from Witkoff directly, as before, and this does not mean that we are in negotiations," Araghchi said, adding that all communications are routed through the Foreign Ministry and security agencies. The minister highlighted Iran’s historic mistrust of US diplomatic overtures, recalling Washington’s withdrawal from the 2015 nuclear agreement and two recent attacks on Iranian territory during ongoing talks. Araghchi noted that Pakistan has been facilitating the recent exchanges and has also hosted regional discussions involving Saudi Arabia, Egypt and Turkey to build momentum for direct Iran‑US dialogue. Additionally, Pakistan’s Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar visited Beijing to seek Chinese backing for these efforts. Regarding the strategic Strait of Hormuz, Araghchi asserted that the waterway falls under the joint jurisdiction of Iran and Oman. He said that once hostilities cease, the two nations will decide its future, emphasizing that the strait should remain a "peaceful waterway." While acknowledging that Gulf states such as Qatar want a seat at the table, Araghchi maintained that the strait is open to commercial vessels from all nations except those actively at war with Iran, which is a standard wartime measure. He also mentioned that ships from India, Pakistan, Turkey and China have already negotiated transit through the strait, underscoring its continued commercial relevance. On the prospect of a US ground invasion, Araghchi warned that Iran is fully prepared to confront any such move. "We are waiting for them," he said, adding that Iranian forces possess the strength to repel a land assault and that the United States would be making a grave mistake by attempting one. These statements come as the Trump administration reportedly increases troop deployments in the Gulf and explores contingency plans for a possible invasion of Iran.

Islamabad – Pakistan’s Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar will travel to Beijing, reaffirming the “all‑weather strategic cooperative partnership” between the two nations, according to the Pakistani Ministry of Foreign Affairs.The visit follows a high‑profile quadrilateral meeting in Islamabad that brought together foreign ministers from Turkey, Egypt and Saudi Arabia, all aiming to coax the United States and Iran back to the negotiating table amid a war that has already spiked global energy prices.Despite a recent hairline shoulder fracture, Dar pressed on with the trip, signalling the urgency of Pakistan’s diplomatic push. In a March 27 call, Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi praised Islamabad’s “untiring efforts to cool down the situation,” a sentiment echoed by spokesperson Mao Ning, who said China is ready to “enhance communication… for a cease‑fire and peace in the region.”Analysts argue the mission is less about collecting praise and more about testing whether Beijing will move from rhetoric to concrete action in the US‑Iran mediation. The central question: can China become an active partner rather than a silent observer?Former Wilson Center fellow Baqir Sajjad Syed explains that Dar will brief Chinese leaders on the recent Islamabad quadrilateral and seek to turn five draft principles – immediate ceasefire, resumption of talks, civilian protection, maritime security, and UN Charter compliance – into a binding framework.Pakistani scholars view the outreach as classic intermediary behaviour: Pakistan leverages China’s permanent‑member status to stay relevant, while China, unlike the United States, mainly engages with Gulf states and Tehran.Iran specialist Vali Nasr suggested Tehran may be looking for a Chinese “guarantor” for any US‑Iran deal, a premise disputed by professor Ishtiaq Ahmad, who calls the expectation “analytically weak” given China’s reluctance to back a declining regime.The strategic stakes are stark. The Strait of Hormuz moves roughly 20 % of global oil. Kpler data show China imported about 1.38 million barrels per day of Iranian crude in 2025 – roughly 12 % of its total oil imports. The IEA estimates 15 million barrels per day passed through the strait in 2025, with China and India accounting for 44 % of that flow.China‑Iran trade hit about $41.2 billion in 2025, and a 2021 25‑year strategic cooperation pact promised up to $400 billion in Chinese investment for discounted Iranian oil, much of which remains unrealised due to U.S. sanctions.Syed describes China’s motivations as “clear and self‑interested”: protecting energy security, safeguarding Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and China‑Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) projects, and bolstering its image as a global peace broker. A prolonged war would hurt China’s economy through higher oil prices and disrupted trade routes.While Beijing is unlikely to deploy military forces, it may employ diplomatic tools – public endorsements, joint statements, and economic levers – to push for a cease‑fire. Its pragmatic stance means it will weigh the benefits of deeper involvement against the risk of being drawn into a conflict.The diplomatic backdrop includes a postponed Trump visit to Beijing and a slated summit for mid‑May, as well as a future Xi‑to‑U.S. trip, which observers say could signal a broader alignment between the two great powers.Meanwhile, the United States continues to amass forces in the Gulf, with thousands of Marines and Army troops positioned for possible ground operations, underscoring the volatility that Pakistan and China are trying to mitigate.In sum, Dar’s Beijing mission tests whether China will remain a passive supporter or become an active broker in a war that threatens global energy markets and regional stability.

Chinese-born American composer Tan Dun is renowned for his eclectic and captivating works. His music has been featured in prominent projects, including the score for Ang Lee's Crouching Tiger, Hidden Dragon and the official music for the 2008 Beijing Olympics.Tan's Choral Concerto: Nine, commissioned for Beethoven's 250th anniversary, premiered with the London Philharmonic Orchestra and London Philharmonic Choir. The concerto features a vast array of percussion and choral techniques, including dramatic inhalations and hints of Mongolian throat singing.In contrast, the performance of Beethoven's Ninth Symphony was marked by fast tempos and crisp rhythms but lacked a sense of large-scale direction and magic. The 'chaos' chord in the finale was overpowered by loud brass, and despite a well-matched vocal quartet, the performance felt workaday.

Islamabad has re‑emerged as a pivotal conduit between Washington and Tehran, delivering a U.S. 15‑point cease‑fire proposal on March 25, 2026, as the US‑Israeli campaign against Iran enters its second month. Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar confirmed that Pakistan is transmitting the proposal, with Turkey and Egypt offering additional diplomatic backing. Chief US negotiator Steve Witkoff later verified Pakistan’s role as a messenger, and President Donald Trump announced a 10‑day pause on planned strikes against Iranian power plants, citing a request from Tehran. Iran has denied direct talks, yet the pause marks the second deferment of Trump’s original threat, underscoring Pakistan’s function as a key diplomatic facilitator in a high‑stakes conflict. The pattern is not new. In August 1969, President Nixon tasked Pakistan’s military ruler Yahya Khan with opening a channel to Beijing. Two years later, a secret flight carried U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger from Islamabad to China, paving the way for Nixon’s historic 1972 visit and the eventual U.S. recognition of the People’s Republic of China. Analysts note that Pakistan’s unique position—maintaining working ties with both Washington and Beijing—made it the only trusted intermediary capable of handling such a sensitive mission, a view echoed by former ambassador Masood Khan. Beyond the Cold‑War episode, Pakistan has repeatedly leveraged its geography and Muslim‑world connections. It served as the primary conduit for U.S., Saudi and Chinese support to the Afghan mujahideen in the 1980s, helped broker the 1988 Geneva Accords that ended the Soviet occupation, and hosted the 2015 Murree talks between the Taliban and the Afghan government. During the 2020 Doha Agreement, Pakistani pressure on the Taliban was cited by U.S. envoy Zalmay Khalilzad as instrumental, though the rapid U.S. withdrawal and subsequent Taliban takeover left Pakistan’s long‑term interests ambiguous. Efforts to mediate Saudi‑Iran tensions have been less fruitful. In 2016, Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif’s shuttle diplomacy failed to produce a formal agreement, and a 2019 outreach by Prime Minister Imran Khan, prompted by President Trump, yielded no concrete outcome. When China facilitated the 2023 Saudi‑Iran rapprochement, Pakistan’s foreign office claimed it had laid the groundwork, but analysts still view the result as a Chinese‑led success. Pakistan’s brief 2005 overture to Israel, led by Foreign Minister Khurshid Mahmud Kasuri, similarly collapsed under domestic opposition, illustrating the limits of its diplomatic reach when internal politics intervene. Since the launch of Operation Epic Fury—the US‑Israeli air campaign that began in late February 2026 and resulted in the death of Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei—Pakistan’s leadership has intensified back‑channel activity. Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif has held multiple calls with Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian, while Army Chief Field Marshal Asim Munir spoke directly with President Trump. Both officials have also visited Saudi Arabia, where Pakistan signed a mutual defence pact in September 2025. Former ambassador Naghmana Hashmi observes that Pakistan’s diplomatic narrative is often eclipsed by conflict, yet a “quieter, more consistent thread” persists: the state’s effort to turn its strategic location and Muslim‑world ties into a lever for peace. Whether the current cease‑fire talks will yield a durable settlement remains uncertain. What is clear, however, is that Pakistan enjoys a rare blend of trust from Washington, Tehran and Gulf capitals—a leverage few regional actors possess.

Hong Kong police have made a significant move in their ongoing crackdown on dissent, arresting a bookstore owner and three staff members for allegedly selling 'seditious' publications. The arrested individuals are accused of selling copies of The Troublemaker, a biography of Jimmy Lai, the founder of the now-shuttered pro-democracy Apple Daily newspaper.Lai was sentenced to a 20-year jail term in February for collusion with foreign forces and sedition in Hong Kong's biggest national security case. The arrests highlight the city's increasingly restrictive environment, where selling books about prominent dissidents can lead to serious legal consequences.The national security law, known as Article 23, makes sedition punishable by up to seven years in jail and a maximum of 10 years if the act involves collusion with an 'external force'. This law has been used to justify a wide range of actions against perceived dissenters, including the arrest of the bookstore staff.Human Rights Watch has criticized the move, stating that Hong Kong has become 'increasingly dystopian'. The organization's Asia director, Elaine Pearson, expressed concern that the authorities' actions will only create more insecurity. The crackdown on dissent continues, with the city government recently gazetting new amendments to the implementation rules to the Beijing-imposed law.

Hong Kong police have been granted the authority to require individuals suspected of violating the city's national security law to provide passwords to their mobile phones or computers. This measure, which took effect on Monday, is part of the national security law imposed by Beijing in 2020. The new provisions empower police to require a person under investigation suspected of endangering national security to provide any password or decryption method for electronic devices and to provide the police “any reasonable and necessary information or assistance”. Refusing to comply could lead to up to one year’s imprisonment and a fine of up to 100,000 Hong Kong dollars ($12,768), while providing false or misleading information could bring up to three years’ imprisonment and a fine of up to 500,000 Hong Kong dollars ($63,840). The imposition of the 2020 national security law, supplemented by a second component in 2024, has led to a marked decline in civil liberties in the former British colony returned to China in 1997, according to human rights advocates. The new amendments have sparked concerns over the erosion of Hong Kong's autonomy and its status as an international financial and business centre. Urania Chiu, a law lecturer in the UK researching Hong Kong, said the new provisions interfered with fundamental liberties, including the privacy of communication and the right to a fair trial. “The sweeping powers given to law enforcement officers without any need for judicial authorisation are grossly disproportionate to any legitimate aim the bylaw purports to achieve,” Chiu told the Reuters news agency. A Hong Kong government spokesperson said the amended rules conform to the city’s mini-constitution, the Basic Law, and its human rights provisions, and “will not affect the lives of the general public or the normal operation of institutions and organisations”. According to the Security Bureau, a total of 386 people have been arrested for national security crimes so far, with 176 people and four companies convicted.

Hong Kong police have been granted new powers to demand that individuals suspected of breaching the city's national security law provide mobile phone or computer passwords. This move is part of a further crackdown on dissent in the city.The amendments to the law, published by the city government, also empower customs officers to seize items deemed to have a 'seditious intention', regardless of whether any person has been arrested for an offence endangering national security.Refusing to comply with the demand for passwords could lead to up to one year's jail and a fine of up to HK$100,000 ($12,773), while providing false or misleading information could bring up to three years' imprisonment and a fine of up to HK$500,000.The sweeping national security law, imposed by Beijing in 2020, punishes acts including subversion and collusion with foreign forces with up to life imprisonment. The law has sparked criticism from western governments and rights groups, but Beijing and Hong Kong officials say it was needed to restore stability after months of pro-democracy protests in 2019.Urania Chiu, a law lecturer in the UK researching Hong Kong, said the new provisions interfere with fundamental liberties, including the privacy of communication and the right to a fair trial. Chiu stated that 'the sweeping powers given to law enforcement officers without any need for judicial authorisation are grossly disproportionate to any legitimate aim the bylaw purports to achieve.'A Hong Kong government spokesperson said the amended rules conform to the city's mini-constitution, the Basic Law, and its human rights provisions, and 'will not affect the lives of the general public or the normal operation of institutions and organisations'. According to the Security Bureau, a total of 386 people have been arrested for national security crimes so far, with 176 people and four companies convicted.

US President Donald Trump has requested a delay in his highly anticipated trip to China, initially scheduled for March 31-April 2, by about a month. The decision comes amid the ongoing US-Israeli war on Iran, which has resulted in significant escalation of tensions in the Middle East. “We've requested that we delay it a month or so,” Trump told reporters at the White House on Monday. “There's no tricks to it either. It's very simple. We've got a war going on. I think it's important that I be here.” The delay underscores how the Iran war has upended Trump's foreign policy agenda and risks magnifying tensions between Washington and Beijing. The war has joined trade and Taiwan as among the spectrum of issues separating the world's two biggest economies. Trump's request has been largely rebuffed so far, with China not directly responding to his request to help unblock the Strait of Hormuz, which Iran says is closed to US and Israeli-linked vessels. The Strait of Hormuz is a critical waterway through which one-fifth of the world's oil usually transits. US Secretary of the Treasury Scott Bessent said earlier on Monday that Trump may need to delay the trip due to coordinating the war effort, not because of China's unresponsiveness to Trump's request or because of any trade disagreements. “The president wants to remain in DC to coordinate the war effort. Traveling abroad at a time like this may not be optimal,” Bessent said. In related trade negotiations, the Chinese showed openness to potential additional purchases of US agricultural goods, including poultry, beef, and non-soya bean row crops, during talks with Chinese Vice Premier He Lifeng in Paris.

The documentary 'Clash of the Superpowers: America vs China' offers a unique perspective on the US-China trade war during Donald Trump's presidency. Produced by Norma Percy, known for her work on historical diplomatic events, the film features first-hand testimonies from key figures involved in the negotiations.The documentary begins with Chinese President Xi Jinping's appearance at the Davos forum in 2017, where he positioned himself as a champion of free trade. This move was seen as a pre-emptive strike ahead of Trump's inauguration and the looming trade tensions between the US and China.The film highlights the resentment among Trump's advisers towards China's economic strength and its perceived negative impact on US commerce. Trump's comments on the campaign trail, where he accused China of 'raping' the US, set the tone for the trade war.The documentary features interviews with Trump's advisers, including HR McMaster and John Bolton, who describe Trump's leadership style as 'reflexively contrarian' and chaotic. The film also shows Xi Jinping's calm and calculated approach to negotiations, which contrasts with Trump's unpredictability.A key moment in the documentary is Trump's speech in Beijing, where he surprisingly stated that he didn't blame China for exploiting the US. The film also covers Trump's imposition of tariffs on Chinese imports and Xi's measured response, including a naval display in the South China Sea.The documentary concludes with Trump and Xi's meeting at the G20 in Buenos Aires in 2018, where Xi's systematic approach to negotiations is contrasted with Trump's improvisation. The film ends on a comedic note with Trump's comments on his relationship with Xi, highlighting the chaos and unpredictability of Trump's approach to international relations.