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Just before sunset on Florida’s Space Coast, an estimated 400,000 people are expected to line the beaches and causeways to watch NASA’s Artemis II lift off at 6:24 p.m. ET, weather permitting. The launch will be the first crewed departure from low‑Earth orbit since the Apollo 17 mission in December 1972. Commander Reid Wiseman told reporters at the Kennedy Space Center that the nation and the world have been waiting “a long time” for this moment. The four‑person crew—Americans Christina Koch and Victor Glover, Canadian astronaut Jeremy Hansen, and Wiseman himself—have entered quarantine ahead of the flight. During the 10‑day test flight, which will not attempt a lunar landing, Koch and Glover will become the first woman and first person of color to travel into cislunar space, the region between Earth and the Moon. Hansen will be the first non‑American to do so. The Orion capsule is expected to travel more than 4,600 miles (7,400 km) beyond the Moon’s far side on day six, reaching a total distance of just under 253,000 miles from Earth—surpassing the Apollo 13 record of 248,655 miles set in 1970. Beyond the historic milestones, Artemis II serves as a critical stepping stone for NASA’s broader lunar ambitions. Administrator Jared Isaacman has outlined a $20 billion Moon base program slated for completion by the end of the decade, and the mission will capture high‑resolution images of the Moon’s south‑pole region—potential sites for future landings and the base. Technical preparations have addressed previous setbacks, including a resolved heat‑shield issue from Artemis I and a helium‑leak that delayed Artemis II’s rollout in February. NASA’s final weather briefing gave the launch an 80 % chance of favorable conditions, with a five‑night launch window available should a scrub be required. Inside the capsule, the crew will spend ten days in a confined space roughly the size of a small camper van, testing life‑support systems, radiation exposure, and microgravity effects. Wiseman noted the psychological challenges of close‑quarters living, saying, “By day six or seven we’ll all be thinking, ‘I need a little space,’ but we’re a good crew.” The launch has sparked a surge of tourism in Cape Canaveral and Cocoa Beach, with hotels filling quickly as spring‑breakers add the event to their itineraries. Despite schedule delays and cost overruns—NASA acknowledges the program is “billions of dollars over budget”—the agency remains confident that Artemis II will demonstrate the capabilities needed for the next crewed landing, scheduled for Artemis IV in 2028. As Wiseman summed up, “NASA was founded to tackle the near‑impossible. This mission is the next step in America’s return to the lunar environment, and when we get there, we intend to stay.”

The Iran war has triggered a massive energy shortfall in Asia, forcing governments to ramp up their use of coal, the dirtiest fossil fuel. Countries across the region, including South Korea, Thailand, the Philippines, India, and Bangladesh, are trying to compensate for a drop-off in imported energy, much of which comes from the Middle East.Climate experts have warned that the increased use of coal will have a devastating environmental impact, and that the energy crisis should be a wake-up call for governments to invest in renewables. The crisis has highlighted the importance of renewable energy for energy security in Asia.The global market has flipped within four weeks from a healthy supply surplus to a severe deficit, leading to price spikes and fuel shortages. Almost 30bn cubic meters of LNG has been removed from global supply chains, with over 80% of this loss affecting the Indo-Pacific region.Experts warn that it will take years to recover LNG supplies and that the crisis will have a lasting impact on the energy landscape in Asia. Governments are racing to overcome shortfalls, with some countries introducing measures to reduce energy consumption, such as four-day workweeks and remote work arrangements.

FIFA President Gianni Infantino declared on Tuesday that Iran will fulfill its World Cup 2026 fixtures in the United States as originally planned, reinforcing the governing body’s commitment to a schedule that includes all qualified teams. The Iranian Football Federation had earlier announced that it was negotiating with FIFA to shift its group‑stage matches from U.S. venues to Mexico, citing safety concerns stemming from the war involving the United States and Israel that began on February 28. Mexico’s President Claudia Sheinbaum offered her country’s readiness to host Iran’s first‑round games if a relocation became necessary, highlighting regional solidarity. According to the tournament draw, Iran’s Group G campaign will open in Los Angeles on June 15 against New Zealand, followed by a clash with Belgium in the same city on June 21, and a final group match versus Egypt in Seattle on June 27. The war’s outbreak had cast doubt on Iran’s participation, prompting Infantino to address concerns during halftime of Iran’s friendly against Costa Rica in Turkey. He told AFP, “Iran will be at the World Cup… That’s why we’re here,” and praised the team’s quality. Infantino also referenced assurances allegedly given by former U.S. President Donald Trump that the Iranian squad would be welcome, though Trump later warned that the team should not travel “for their own life and safety.” Iran responded firmly, stating that “no one can exclude Iran’s national team from the World Cup.” In a March 19 online FIFA Council meeting, Infantino reaffirmed the organization’s stance: “FIFA is committed to ensuring the World Cup proceeds as scheduled with all teams participating,” adding that football can serve as a bridge for peace even when geopolitical conflicts lie beyond its control. Iran’s recent friendly against Nigeria in Belek, Turkey, featured players wearing black armbands and carrying school rucksacks to honor victims of a tragic air strike on a primary school in Minab on February 28, which killed at least 170 people. The New York Times reported that a U.S. Tomahawk cruise missile mistakenly hit the school, according to preliminary military findings. These gestures underscore the intersection of sport and geopolitics, as the global football community strives to maintain the tournament’s integrity while acknowledging the human cost of ongoing conflicts.

The United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) released a stark assessment on Tuesday, projecting that a four‑week US‑Israel conflict with Iran could slash Arab regional GDP by 3.7 % to 6 %. In monetary terms, the loss translates to a contraction of $120 billion to $194 billion, marking one of the deepest economic shocks in recent Middle‑East history. UNDP’s regional director, Abdallah Al Dardari, warned that the downturn would likely eliminate 3.7 million jobs and drive around four million additional people below the poverty line. He described the situation as exposing the “fragility of the Arab economy.” The analysis is based on a scenario of a “short but intense conflict lasting for four weeks.” Should hostilities extend beyond that window, the economic fallout could be even more severe, especially as Iran’s attacks on Gulf energy infrastructure tighten oil and gas flows through the Strait of Hormuz. Amid tightening supplies, Brent crude futures surged 4.7 % to over $118 per barrel. The report highlighted that disruptions to “strategic maritime corridors” generate “knock‑on effects on inflation, trade flows, and global supply chains,” threatening the livelihoods of interconnected economies across the region. Poverty spikes are expected to be most pronounced in the Levant and in “fragile” states such as Sudan and Yemen, where baseline vulnerability is already high and economic shocks translate quickly into welfare losses. Lebanon faces a compounded crisis after Hezbollah’s retaliatory strikes against Israel, following the US‑Israeli killing of Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei on 28 February. Ongoing air strikes, evacuation orders, and widespread destruction of residential areas, transport networks, and public services have triggered large‑scale displacement. Al Dardari concluded with a plea: “We hope the fighting will stop tomorrow, as every day of delay has negative repercussions on the global economy.”

During an emergency session of the United Nations Security Council, humanitarian chief Tom Fletcher pressed members to outline concrete measures for safeguarding Lebanese civilians as Israel intensifies its ground offensive and aerial bombardment.Fletcher highlighted the stark parallel between Israel’s stated objectives in Lebanon and the ongoing genocidal war in Gaza, asking the council how it intends to prevent a repeat of the humanitarian catastrophe witnessed there.Since the escalation on 2 March, more than 1.1 million people have been forced from their homes across Lebanon, a displacement surge linked to Israel’s retaliatory strikes after Hezbollah fired missiles into northern Israel.In a video address, Israeli Defence Minister Israel Katz announced that, once the current operation concludes, the Israeli army will establish a security zone extending to the Litani River and maintain control over the area, effectively creating a new occupied territory.Israeli forces have pushed deeper into the south this week, claiming the moves are necessary to shield northern Israeli communities from missile attacks. Human‑rights organisations have condemned the expansion, warning that targeting civilian infrastructure and preventing residents from returning would exacerbate the crisis.The heightened conflict has also claimed the lives of three UN peacekeepers. Two Indonesian soldiers were killed on Monday when an unexplained explosion destroyed their vehicle near the village of Bani Haiyyan, while a third Indonesian peacekeeper died the previous day after a projectile detonated at a UNIFIL post near Aadshit al‑Qusayr.UN Under‑Secretary‑General for Peace Operations Jean‑Pierre Lacroix said early investigations suggest a roadside blast was responsible for the Monday deaths, emphasizing that such incidents must not occur and that peacekeepers should never be targeted.A spokesperson for Secretary‑General Antonio Guterres condemned the attacks, stating they breach international law and could constitute war crimes. The statement called for accountability and urged all parties to uphold their legal obligations to protect UN personnel and property at all times.

Islamabad – Pakistan’s Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar will travel to Beijing, reaffirming the “all‑weather strategic cooperative partnership” between the two nations, according to the Pakistani Ministry of Foreign Affairs.The visit follows a high‑profile quadrilateral meeting in Islamabad that brought together foreign ministers from Turkey, Egypt and Saudi Arabia, all aiming to coax the United States and Iran back to the negotiating table amid a war that has already spiked global energy prices.Despite a recent hairline shoulder fracture, Dar pressed on with the trip, signalling the urgency of Pakistan’s diplomatic push. In a March 27 call, Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi praised Islamabad’s “untiring efforts to cool down the situation,” a sentiment echoed by spokesperson Mao Ning, who said China is ready to “enhance communication… for a cease‑fire and peace in the region.”Analysts argue the mission is less about collecting praise and more about testing whether Beijing will move from rhetoric to concrete action in the US‑Iran mediation. The central question: can China become an active partner rather than a silent observer?Former Wilson Center fellow Baqir Sajjad Syed explains that Dar will brief Chinese leaders on the recent Islamabad quadrilateral and seek to turn five draft principles – immediate ceasefire, resumption of talks, civilian protection, maritime security, and UN Charter compliance – into a binding framework.Pakistani scholars view the outreach as classic intermediary behaviour: Pakistan leverages China’s permanent‑member status to stay relevant, while China, unlike the United States, mainly engages with Gulf states and Tehran.Iran specialist Vali Nasr suggested Tehran may be looking for a Chinese “guarantor” for any US‑Iran deal, a premise disputed by professor Ishtiaq Ahmad, who calls the expectation “analytically weak” given China’s reluctance to back a declining regime.The strategic stakes are stark. The Strait of Hormuz moves roughly 20 % of global oil. Kpler data show China imported about 1.38 million barrels per day of Iranian crude in 2025 – roughly 12 % of its total oil imports. The IEA estimates 15 million barrels per day passed through the strait in 2025, with China and India accounting for 44 % of that flow.China‑Iran trade hit about $41.2 billion in 2025, and a 2021 25‑year strategic cooperation pact promised up to $400 billion in Chinese investment for discounted Iranian oil, much of which remains unrealised due to U.S. sanctions.Syed describes China’s motivations as “clear and self‑interested”: protecting energy security, safeguarding Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and China‑Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) projects, and bolstering its image as a global peace broker. A prolonged war would hurt China’s economy through higher oil prices and disrupted trade routes.While Beijing is unlikely to deploy military forces, it may employ diplomatic tools – public endorsements, joint statements, and economic levers – to push for a cease‑fire. Its pragmatic stance means it will weigh the benefits of deeper involvement against the risk of being drawn into a conflict.The diplomatic backdrop includes a postponed Trump visit to Beijing and a slated summit for mid‑May, as well as a future Xi‑to‑U.S. trip, which observers say could signal a broader alignment between the two great powers.Meanwhile, the United States continues to amass forces in the Gulf, with thousands of Marines and Army troops positioned for possible ground operations, underscoring the volatility that Pakistan and China are trying to mitigate.In sum, Dar’s Beijing mission tests whether China will remain a passive supporter or become an active broker in a war that threatens global energy markets and regional stability.

President Donald Trump is reportedly weighing a request for Arab countries to fund the U.S.–Israel war on Iran, White House spokesperson Karoline Leavitt told reporters on Monday. Leavitt said the president is "quite interested" in calling on regional partners to share the expense.The idea mirrors the financing arrangement of the 1990‑91 Gulf War, when a coalition of Arab and Western nations covered roughly 88% of the $61 billion cost, leaving the United States to foot only about 12%.Trump also hinted that, even if the Strait of Hormuz remains closed, other export‑dependent partners should manage the crisis. The strait carries about 20% of the world’s oil and LNG shipments; its shutdown has pushed Brent crude to **$116 per barrel**, up from pre‑war levels near **$65**.Iran, meanwhile, has demanded that the United States pay reparations to Iranian victims as a precondition for any cease‑fire.So far, there is no clear commitment from Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) members—countries that have themselves been hit by Iranian strikes—to finance the conflict. Analysts estimate the total bill could run into tens of billions of dollars, though exact figures remain uncertain.Experts note a shift in regional attitudes: GCC states opposed the war before it began and continue to call for diplomacy, according to Zeidon Alkinani of the Arab Perspectives Institute. He added that Israel appears to be the primary driver pushing the United States into the confrontation.History shows the United States has repeatedly sought external funding for wars it leads. During the Gulf War, Saudi Arabia contributed $16.8 billion (27% of total costs) and Kuwait $16 billion (26%). Japan, Germany, the UAE and South Korea also supplied sizable sums.Post‑World War II, the U.S. administered the Marshall Plan, providing over $13 billion to rebuild Europe, while Germany and Japan paid reparations and later funded the upkeep of U.S. bases—about $1 billion annually each.In the ongoing Ukraine war, the United States once delivered the largest aid package—€114.64 billion (≈$134 billion) by mid‑2025. Since Trump returned to office in 2025, he has withdrawn **99% of U.S. support**, shifting the financial load to European allies and turning the U.S. into a major arms supplier, with weapons sales reaching a record **$318.7 billion in 2024**. Recent deals, such as a $10 billion weapons package for Ukraine financed by European partners, illustrate this new model.These precedents underscore a pattern: when U.S. leadership faces costly overseas engagements, it often looks to allies—especially those with strategic interests—to share or assume the fiscal burden.

The recent ruling that Meta and YouTube are liable for creating addictive products has intensified the debate on restricting social media use for under-16s. However, there's another crucial aspect to consider: 85% of kids and teens interact online through video games. The suggestion to curb online gaming alongside social media restrictions raises significant concerns about feasibility and impact.Some online games, like Roblox, have proven to be unsafe environments for children, with cases of grooming and child exploitation. Nevertheless, implementing a ban on online gaming would be a regulatory nightmare. Games like Minecraft or EA Sports FC have different online components, making a blanket restriction difficult to enforce.Banning teens from playing games online entirely would be detrimental. Online games are vital social spaces for millions of teens, offering a few arenas where they can interact without adult surveillance. With two-thirds of council-run youth centers lost since 2010, video games fill a critical gap.The core problem lies in the internet's heterogeneous nature. Games, social media, and YouTube are distinct, making it hard to cancel out potential harms without also eliminating benefits. Instead of banning young people, the focus should be on taking back the internet from manipulative big tech companies.Parents concerned about their children's safety can use existing parental controls to mitigate risks. Features like chat restrictions, time limits, and age-appropriate settings can ensure children enjoy games while staying safe. A ban would introduce no further benefit and could cause significant harm.

Jurors in two separate U.S. courts delivered historic rulings that, for the first time, hold major social‑media platforms financially accountable for designs that allegedly harm young users. In New Mexico, a jury ordered Meta to pay $375 million for claims that its products contributed to child sexual exploitation and other harms. The following day, a California jury found both Meta and YouTube liable, imposing $6 million in damages for deliberately engineering addictive experiences. The verdicts arrive amid a wave of lawsuits filed by more than 2,000 plaintiffs—including families, school districts, and state attorneys general—targeting Meta, YouTube, TikTok and Snap. While both companies have announced intentions to appeal, the judgments signal a shift from public criticism to concrete legal exposure. During the trials, Meta’s defense repeatedly cited the American Psychiatric Association’s position that “social media addiction is not a thing” in the DSM‑5‑TR. The APA countered that the absence of a formal diagnosis does not negate the phenomenon’s existence, emphasizing growing research on the mental‑health impacts of compulsive platform use. Internal communications presented as evidence painted a starkly different picture. A 2020 Meta email exchange described Instagram as “a drug” and likened the company’s role to that of “pushers,” while another message warned that targeting 11‑year‑olds resembled tactics once used by tobacco firms. Similar concerns emerged from YouTube, where an internal document explicitly stated the goal was “not viewership, it’s viewer addiction.” TikTok’s own research echoed these findings, concluding that users could become addicted in under 35 minutes and that compulsive usage correlates with a range of negative mental‑health outcomes. Moody’s, a risk‑assessment firm, warned that the dual verdicts establish a precedent whereby design‑driven user harm can trigger liability. In an analysis, analysts Adam Grossman and Taro Ramberg noted that insurers should focus on the emerging “design‑centered liability theory,” which links engagement‑driven features—such as infinite scrolling and autoplay—to compensable injuries. They cautioned that the current cases are merely the first data points in a broader legal trend. Beyond social media, the same design principles appear in video games, sports‑betting platforms, AI chatbots and online retail. Moody’s tracker lists over 1,100 pending cases in Los Angeles alone and estimates roughly 4,000 lawsuits targeting 166 U.S. companies for allegedly addictive software design. Both Meta and YouTube maintain that they disagree with the verdicts. YouTube’s spokesperson called the California decision a “misunderstanding” of the platform’s nature, while Meta emphasized the complexity of teen mental health and the non‑unanimous nature of the California jury’s finding. Nevertheless, the courts have signaled that even without a settled clinical definition of “social‑media addiction,” companies can be held responsible for the foreseeable harms of their product designs.