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During an emergency session of the United Nations Security Council, humanitarian chief Tom Fletcher pressed members to outline concrete measures for safeguarding Lebanese civilians as Israel intensifies its ground offensive and aerial bombardment.Fletcher highlighted the stark parallel between Israel’s stated objectives in Lebanon and the ongoing genocidal war in Gaza, asking the council how it intends to prevent a repeat of the humanitarian catastrophe witnessed there.Since the escalation on 2 March, more than 1.1 million people have been forced from their homes across Lebanon, a displacement surge linked to Israel’s retaliatory strikes after Hezbollah fired missiles into northern Israel.In a video address, Israeli Defence Minister Israel Katz announced that, once the current operation concludes, the Israeli army will establish a security zone extending to the Litani River and maintain control over the area, effectively creating a new occupied territory.Israeli forces have pushed deeper into the south this week, claiming the moves are necessary to shield northern Israeli communities from missile attacks. Human‑rights organisations have condemned the expansion, warning that targeting civilian infrastructure and preventing residents from returning would exacerbate the crisis.The heightened conflict has also claimed the lives of three UN peacekeepers. Two Indonesian soldiers were killed on Monday when an unexplained explosion destroyed their vehicle near the village of Bani Haiyyan, while a third Indonesian peacekeeper died the previous day after a projectile detonated at a UNIFIL post near Aadshit al‑Qusayr.UN Under‑Secretary‑General for Peace Operations Jean‑Pierre Lacroix said early investigations suggest a roadside blast was responsible for the Monday deaths, emphasizing that such incidents must not occur and that peacekeepers should never be targeted.A spokesperson for Secretary‑General Antonio Guterres condemned the attacks, stating they breach international law and could constitute war crimes. The statement called for accountability and urged all parties to uphold their legal obligations to protect UN personnel and property at all times.

The article delves into the factors driving Donald Trump’s attention to Iran’s Kharg Island, a key oil‑export hub in the Persian Gulf. It outlines how the island’s strategic location could serve broader geopolitical calculations, potentially influencing regional power balances and U.S. leverage in Middle‑East negotiations. Economic considerations are also highlighted, with the island’s role in global oil shipments offering possible avenues for energy‑related leverage. Additionally, the analysis touches on domestic political narratives that Trump may be leveraging to reshape his foreign‑policy legacy. By connecting these threads, the report seeks to clarify why Kharg Island has re‑emerged as a focal point in Trump‑related discourse.

President Donald Trump is reportedly weighing a request for Arab countries to fund the U.S.–Israel war on Iran, White House spokesperson Karoline Leavitt told reporters on Monday. Leavitt said the president is "quite interested" in calling on regional partners to share the expense.The idea mirrors the financing arrangement of the 1990‑91 Gulf War, when a coalition of Arab and Western nations covered roughly 88% of the $61 billion cost, leaving the United States to foot only about 12%.Trump also hinted that, even if the Strait of Hormuz remains closed, other export‑dependent partners should manage the crisis. The strait carries about 20% of the world’s oil and LNG shipments; its shutdown has pushed Brent crude to **$116 per barrel**, up from pre‑war levels near **$65**.Iran, meanwhile, has demanded that the United States pay reparations to Iranian victims as a precondition for any cease‑fire.So far, there is no clear commitment from Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) members—countries that have themselves been hit by Iranian strikes—to finance the conflict. Analysts estimate the total bill could run into tens of billions of dollars, though exact figures remain uncertain.Experts note a shift in regional attitudes: GCC states opposed the war before it began and continue to call for diplomacy, according to Zeidon Alkinani of the Arab Perspectives Institute. He added that Israel appears to be the primary driver pushing the United States into the confrontation.History shows the United States has repeatedly sought external funding for wars it leads. During the Gulf War, Saudi Arabia contributed $16.8 billion (27% of total costs) and Kuwait $16 billion (26%). Japan, Germany, the UAE and South Korea also supplied sizable sums.Post‑World War II, the U.S. administered the Marshall Plan, providing over $13 billion to rebuild Europe, while Germany and Japan paid reparations and later funded the upkeep of U.S. bases—about $1 billion annually each.In the ongoing Ukraine war, the United States once delivered the largest aid package—€114.64 billion (≈$134 billion) by mid‑2025. Since Trump returned to office in 2025, he has withdrawn **99% of U.S. support**, shifting the financial load to European allies and turning the U.S. into a major arms supplier, with weapons sales reaching a record **$318.7 billion in 2024**. Recent deals, such as a $10 billion weapons package for Ukraine financed by European partners, illustrate this new model.These precedents underscore a pattern: when U.S. leadership faces costly overseas engagements, it often looks to allies—especially those with strategic interests—to share or assume the fiscal burden.

Unilever’s latest strategic move pairs its food portfolio – home to brands such as Hellmann’s, Knorr and Marmite – with US condiment specialist McCormick in a deal valued at $44.8 bn. While the transaction will deliver $15.7 bn in cash to Unilever, the bulk of the consideration is equity‑based, giving Unilever shareholders a 55% stake in the enlarged McCormick and leaving Unilever itself with a modest 10% holding. The structure marks a departure from Unilever’s recent clean‑break divestitures, such as the outright sales of its Flora spreads and Lipton tea businesses and the spin‑off of its ice‑cream division (including Ben & Jerry’s) last year. Instead, investors now face a complex share‑exchange that ties their fortunes to a company that will assume significant debt to fund the acquisition. CEO Fernando Fernández framed the transaction as “another decisive step in sharpening our portfolio”, yet market reaction was swift: Unilever’s share price slid 7% on the announcement. The decline underscores investor scepticism that the merger will unlock genuine value. From a financial perspective, Unilever’s food arm contributes annual sales of $12 bn – outpacing McCormick’s $8 bn – and enjoys higher growth (2.7% vs 2%) and superior margins (24% vs 17%). These metrics suggest Unilever could have retained a more profitable segment rather than ceding control to a partner with weaker performance indicators. Critics argue that the combined entity will be a sprawling conglomerate of global powerhouses like Hellmann’s and Knorr alongside niche brands such as French’s mustard and Old Bay seasoning. The anticipated synergies, described by McCormick’s Brendan Foley as “maximal adjacency” and “end‑to‑end flavour experiences”, remain unproven, especially given the modest cash component and the dilution of Unilever’s ownership. Ultimately, the success of the merger hinges on whether the new food business can generate growth that justifies the equity swap and the added debt burden. For now, the market’s 7% share‑price dip reflects a cautious outlook on the promised “trapped value” that Unilever hopes to unlock.

The Australian government has accused major tech firms, including Meta, TikTok, and Google, of failing to comply with a landmark ban on under-16s using social media. The ban, which came into effect last December, aims to protect children from the potential harms of social media.A survey of 900 Australian parents found that around a third (31%) said their children still had one or more social media accounts after the ban, compared to 49% before the laws. Specifically, the survey revealed that 70% of under-16s who had accounts on Instagram, Snapchat, and TikTok before the ban maintained access.The eSafety Commission claimed that the technology being used by these companies, such as facial age estimation, was not effective enough. The commission alleged that the firms had lax guardrails which allowed teens to repeatedly attempt age verification until they were successful. 'None of this is impossible. None of this is even difficult for big tech who are innovative billion-dollar companies. What this update shows is unacceptable,' said Australia's communications minister, Anika Wells.The social media minimum age laws specify that Facebook, Instagram, Snapchat, Threads, TikTok, Twitch, X, YouTube, Kick, and Reddit are 'age-restricted platforms', banning under-16s from holding accounts and requiring those companies to take reasonable steps to prevent children from opening or holding accounts. The laws carry a maximum A$49.5m (US$33.9m, £25.7m) penalty.In response, Meta said it was committed to complying with the social media ban and working with eSafety and the government. The company highlighted the challenge of accurately determining age online, particularly at the age-16 boundary. 'The most effective, privacy-protective and consistent approach is to require robust age verification and parental approval at the app store and operating system level before a teen can download an app or create an account,' Meta stated.TikTok and Google were contacted for comment but did not respond by publication time. The government said in January that more than 4.7m social media accounts were deactivated, removed, or restricted in the first days after the ban came into effect.

After clinching the 2026 Asian Cup in Australia, 35‑year‑old defender Saki Kumagai was asked to rank the trophy among the many she has collected over a 17‑year career. She smiled, shook her head and said, “I never compare my titles… this team is from a different generation, so winning this tournament means a lot.” Kumagai is the sole remaining player who lifted the Women’s World Cup in 2011 – the first and only Asian nation to do so. At 21, she scored the decisive penalty in the shoot‑out against the United States, a victory that came just months after the devastating earthquake and tsunami that struck Japan. Today, the squad she captains features teenagers who were toddlers when she made history: forward Maika Hamano was seven, centre‑back Toko Koga five, and top scorer Riko Ueki twelve when Kumagai’s winning penalty was replayed on TV. Kumagai admits she offers little direct advice, but she leads by example, saying, “I try to pass the baton to the next generation to show them how to perform in these moments.” The transition is no accident. In 2005 the Japanese Football Association unveiled a 50‑year vision aimed at expanding participation, climbing FIFA rankings and eventually hosting – and winning – a World Cup. Halfway through that plan, Japan now sits fifth in the FIFA women’s rankings, having added an Olympic silver medal (2021), a second World Cup final (2015), and three Asian Cup titles (2014, 2018, 2026) to its résumé. While the men’s game has progressed more slowly, the women’s side has surged ahead, bolstered by the launch of Asia’s first full‑time professional women’s league in 2021. This structural backbone has produced a squad “propelled by young stars,” as Kumagai notes. Currently playing for the London City Lionesses after spells at Olympique Lyonnais, Bayern Munich and Roma, Kumagai sees herself as a bridge between eras. She hopes her experience will help Japan reclaim the sport’s summit. “We have a lot of good young players,” she says. “They have confidence, they’re gaining experience in Europe, and as an experienced player I want to create a supportive environment for them.”

Ultimately, the quality of the core product will define rugby's future, rather than viral social media clips or artificial additives. As the sport continues to evolve, it must find a way to reconcile its competing demands and forge a path that balances tradition with innovation and commercial appeal.

The Drama, directed by Norwegian filmmaker Kristoffer Borgli, is a jeu d'esprit of outrage, a psychological meltdown that is more astutely articulated than in many another more solemnly intended film.The film centers around Charlie, played by Robert Pattinson, a young British art historian based in the US, and Emma, played by Zendaya, a beautiful and charming young woman who is deaf in one ear. Their whirlwind romance leads to a wedding, but their relationship is put to the test when Emma reveals a dark secret from her past: at 14, she planned a high school shooting but was thwarted when another shooting occurred at a local mall, killing a friend.The film's tone is a delicate balance of satire and thriller, leaving viewers questioning whether it's a black-comedic absurdity or a serious commentary on the darker aspects of human nature. The film's ingenuity lies in its generic ambiguity, making it difficult to categorize as solely a romantic comedy or a thriller.The Drama has sparked controversy and debate, with some critics praising its bold and insouciantly offensive approach, while others have expressed discomfort with its handling of sensitive topics like gun violence and mental health.Despite some critics arguing that the film slightly falls down in its portrayal of the aftermath of Emma's non-crime, it offers a thought-provoking exploration of the human psyche and the complexities of relationships.The Drama is set to release in Australia on April 2, and in the UK and US on April 3.

Islamabad became the focal point of a new diplomatic track when the foreign ministers of Saudi Arabia, Turkey and Egypt arrived this weekend, joining Pakistan’s Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar. The quartet pledged to channel U.S. and Iranian confidence in Pakistan’s ability to host direct talks aimed at a comprehensive settlement. At the close of the meeting, Dar announced the creation of a Committee of Four—senior officials from each foreign ministry tasked with ironing out the procedural details of the peace process. The gathering marks the evolution of a broader Arab‑Islamic consultative effort that began in Riyadh on March 19 into a focused four‑nation push, with Pakistan positioned as the primary conduit between Washington and Tehran. In a candid interview with the Financial Times, U.S. President Donald Trump declared his “favourite thing is to take the oil in Iran,” hinting at a possible seizure of Kharg Island, which handles roughly 90 % of Iran’s crude exports. He reiterated an April 6 deadline for Tehran to accept a deal or face U.S. strikes on its energy infrastructure, yet on Air Force One he added, “I do see a deal in Iran, yeah. Could be soon,” describing the negotiations as “extremely well” progressing. Analysts stress that these mixed signals underscore the central tension confronting Pakistan’s initiative. While Islamabad and its partners are building a multilateral framework to curb escalation, Israeli strikes continue and the U.S. military presence in the region expands. Key diplomatic insights came from former Pakistani officials. Former information minister Mushahid Hussain Sayed highlighted the meeting as the first institutional Muslim‑world effort to open a dialogue pathway, noting that Pakistan and Turkey are among the most credible interlocutors—one a nuclear power, the other a NATO member. He cautioned, however, that the steps are “baby steps” in a war that is rapidly complicating. Former ambassador Masood Khan described the Committee of Four as a structured back‑channel enabling a “step‑by‑step, layered, and calibrated process.” He outlined four potential stages: trust‑building measures, cease‑fire negotiations, direct talks on the nuclear programme and the Strait of Hormuz, and finally reciprocal commitments. Khan warned that Iran’s demands for war reparations and sovereignty over the Strait could prove the toughest hurdles. High‑level outreach extended beyond the region. Pakistan’s Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif held a 90‑minute call with Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian, while China’s Foreign Minister Wang Yi pledged full backing for the initiative. A senior Pakistani diplomat confirmed Dar’s planned visit to China on March 31, underscoring the strategic weight of the Pakistan‑China relationship. On the economic front, Iran’s agreement to allow 20 Pakistani‑flagged vessels through the Strait of Hormuz represents the most immediate confidence‑building measure. The strait remains effectively closed to regular shipping, prompting the International Energy Agency to label the disruption as the “worst oil shock in history,” surpassing the crises of 1973 and 1979. Brent crude surged above $116 per barrel, up more than 50 % since the war began on February 28, while WTO Director‑General Ngozi Okonjo‑Iweala warned of the “worst trade disruptions in the past 80 years.” Nevertheless, experts argue that the Strait should not become the centerpiece of any settlement. The long‑term resolution will likely involve all eight littoral states under UNCLOS and established legal precedents, with the immediate priority being a broader halt to hostilities. Military dynamics remain volatile. U.S. Central Command reported that an amphibious task force of roughly 3,500 Marines and sailors aboard the USS Tripoli arrived in the region, with an additional 2,200 Marines and 2,000 soldiers from the 82nd Airborne Division slated to deploy. Trump affirmed that military options are still on the table, and reports suggest the Pentagon is preparing for potential ground operations. Iran’s leadership remains skeptical. A spokesperson for Iran’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs described the U.S. 15‑point plan—calling for a one‑month cease‑fire, handover of highly enriched uranium, a halt to enrichment, missile curbs, and an end to proxy support—as “unrealistic, illogical and excessive.” Tehran’s counter‑proposal, aired on Press TV, demands a halt to aggression, concrete guarantees against recurrence, reparations, and formal recognition of Iranian sovereignty over the Strait of Hormuz. Analysts such as Reza Khanzadeh of George Mason University argue that the burden of compromise falls on Washington, noting that Iran will not sacrifice regime survival. Meanwhile, former diplomat Masood Khan identified the most decisive confidence‑building measure as a U.S. commitment to halt Israeli attacks on Iran and Lebanon—a step he admits is “easier said than done.” In sum, Pakistan’s diplomatic corridor offers a glimmer of hope, but deep mistrust, divergent demands, and an accelerating military buildup render the path to a lasting settlement precarious.