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Modern combat has been reshaped by the Russia‑Ukraine war, the Gaza clashes, India‑Pakistan skirmishes and the recent US‑Israel strikes on Iran, driving an unprecedented global appetite for drones, missiles and sophisticated air‑defence systems. Turkey, a leading military power in the Middle East, is positioning itself as a key supplier in this booming market. At the heart of Turkey’s push is Roketsan, a firm founded in 1988 to equip the Turkish Armed Forces. Today the company exports to roughly 50 nations and is counted among the fastest‑growing defence enterprises worldwide. Bypassing Western embargoes has been a catalyst for this growth. After the United States imposed CAATSA sanctions in 2020 and removed Turkey from the F‑35 programme, Ankara was forced to develop an indigenous defence ecosystem. The result is a network of nearly 4,000 small and medium‑sized enterprises that now supplies over 90 % of the components used in Turkish weapons. Financially, the strategy is paying off. In 2025 Turkish defence exports reached $10 billion. Roketsan’s General Manager Murat Ikinci told Al Jazeera the firm sits at 71st place among global defence firms and is targeting a climb into the top 50, then top 20, and ultimately the top 10 by the end of the decade. To fuel this ambition, President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan inaugurated a suite of new facilities last week, including: Europe’s largest warhead production plant. A new R&D centre employing 1,000 engineers. The “Kirikkale” complex dedicated to rocket‑fuel research. Infrastructure for mass‑producing ballistic and cruise missiles. The construction represents a $1 billion outlay, with an additional $2 billion earmarked for scaling up production capacity. Roketsan’s R&D engine—the third‑largest in Turkey with 3,200 engineers—draws heavily on lessons from ongoing wars. The Ukraine conflict highlighted the effectiveness of cheap FPV and AI‑guided kamikaze drones, prompting Roketsan to field systems such as the ALKA and BURC air‑defences and the laser‑guided CIRIT missile. Recent US‑Israel operations against Iran have underscored the threat posed by low‑cost Iranian‑designed Shahed drones, now upgraded with Russian “Kometa‑B” anti‑jamming modules. These swarms have overwhelmed regional defences and even struck a British base in Cyprus in March 2026, while NATO intercepted three Iranian ballistic missiles that entered Turkish airspace. In response, Roketsan is advancing the “Tayfun” (Typhoon) missile family. The flagship Tayfun Block 4 is a hypersonic ballistic missile designed to pierce advanced air‑defence layers at extreme speeds. When pressed for specifics, Ikinci declined to disclose the exact range, noting only that it is “sufficient.” Strategically, Turkey is shifting away from Western dependence toward an “Eastern” partnership model. Roketsan now offers joint production and technology‑development agreements, establishing co‑located facilities and R&D centres across the Middle East, Far East and Europe. Qatar has been cited as a flagship example of this collaborative approach. Roketsan has identified five priority product lines to meet rising global demand: Long‑range ballistic and cruise missiles. Advanced air‑defence systems, including “Steel Dome”, Hisar‑A, Hisar‑O and Siper. Submarine‑launched cruise missiles leveraging the AKYA system. Smart micro‑munitions for armed drones. Long‑range air‑to‑air missiles, a capability highlighted by the recent India‑Pakistan clash. The timing is critical. Ongoing conflicts have depleted the stockpiles of high‑end air‑defence assets worldwide. During the US‑Israel‑Iran confrontation, the United States relied heavily on Patriot and THAAD systems, raising concerns that interceptor inventories could run low. Gulf states, which have logged over 1,000 drone sightings in their airspace, are actively seeking alternative solutions—an opening that Turkey’s self‑sufficient supply chain is poised to fill. Analysts warn that even major powers like the United States will need years to rebuild their air‑defence inventories due to the complexity of production. Turkey’s claim of near‑complete domestic manufacturing positions it as a ready supplier for nations eager to diversify away from traditional Western sources. As demand for missiles and drones surges, Roketsan is reinvesting its revenues into expanding production infrastructure, aiming to cement its place among the world’s elite defence exporters.

Lionel Messi has officially taken ownership of UE Cornella, a Barcelona‑based club competing in Spain’s fifth division, after finalising the purchase earlier this week.The Argentine legend, who spent two decades at FC Barcelona amassing multiple La Liga titles, Champions League trophies and Ballon d’Or awards before departing in 2021, is now venturing into club ownership.In a statement the club described Messi’s arrival as “the beginning of a new chapter in the club’s history,” emphasizing a long‑term vision and a strategic plan that blends ambition, sustainability and a deep connection to its working‑class neighbourhood roots.Founded in 1951, UE Cornella has previously nurtured talent such as Arsenal goalkeeper David Raya and former Barcelona defender Jordi Alba, the latter of whom currently shares the pitch with Messi at Inter Miami.Now 38‑year‑old Messi is also focused on representing Argentina at the 2026 World Cup in North America, where the Albiceleste will defend their title.The club announced the deal on Thursday but did not disclose the financial terms of the transaction.

Beirut, Lebanon – In late March, authorities abandoned a proposed shelter for war‑displaced residents in the Karantina neighbourhood after a wave of public protest.Opponents, including local politicians and community activists, cited practical concerns such as traffic congestion near the port and health risks. However, the core of the backlash was sectarian: many Christian residents invoked demographic fears, chanting slogans reminiscent of the 1975‑1990 Lebanese Civil War to block housing for the predominantly Shia‑Muslim displaced population.The controversy resurfaced painful memories of the 1976 Karantina massacre, when right‑wing Phalangist forces expelled and killed thousands of Muslims. Historian Diala Lteif, researching the district’s history, estimates the death toll at 1,000‑3,000. She warned that the current rhetoric mirrors the “foundational logic” of that tragedy – a drive to segregate neighbourhoods.Israel’s intensified campaign against Lebanon has already forced the displacement of approximately 1.2 million people. The war, reignited on March 2 after Hezbollah’s retaliatory rocket fire, has seen Israeli troops and air strikes devastate southern towns and parts of Beirut, heightening fears that hosting displaced families could draw further attacks.Amid these tensions, a 10‑day ceasefire is slated to begin, yet many Lebanese worry the violence could spiral into renewed communal conflict or even a civil war.Experts note that the association of displaced Shia communities with Hezbollah fuels anxiety. Lara Deeb, an anthropologist at Scripps College, explained that Lebanon’s sectarian political system blurs the line between a religious group and a political party, amplifying mistrust across the board.While the cancelled site remains unused, another displacement centre operated by the Lebanese charity Offre Joie continues to function in Karantina. It currently shelters about 1,000 displaced families from the south, the Bekaa Valley, and Beirut’s southern suburbs.Volunteer Marie Daou described the centre’s conditions as comparatively decent, with reliable hot water and regular meals. Security forces monitor the residents’ identities, and no occupants have left despite more than 40 days of conflict.One resident, 30‑year‑old Nadine, fled her home in Burj al‑Barajneh on March 2. She now lives with five siblings at the centre, saying, “For now, we’re staying here. You can’t go back because there is danger, but nowhere is safe. We will endure.”The episode highlights how historic sectarian wounds intersect with today’s geopolitical crisis, shaping public policy and community responses in a Lebanon already strained by war and displacement.

Football fans heading to the World Cup 2026 in the United States are facing a new challenge: exorbitant transit prices. Reports have emerged that United States transport authorities have significantly increased prices for fans traveling to matches, sparking widespread outrage. New Jersey Transit is planning to charge fans more than $100 for tickets from Penn Station in Manhattan to MetLife Stadium in East Rutherford, New Jersey. This is a substantial hike from the usual return ticket price of $12.90. Similarly, the Massachusetts Bay Transportation Authority confirmed that return tickets from Boston to the Gillette Stadium in Foxborough, Massachusetts would cost $80 – up from the usual event-day price of $20. “It’s a disgrace. In recent tournaments, transportation was either included in the ticket price or offered at a heavily discounted rate for ticket holders,” said Guillaume Aupretre, a spokesman for France’s main supporters’ group. He accused world football’s governing body FIFA of shutting out “the most loyal supporters in favour of the wealthy”. France will play all three of its Group I matches in Boston and New Jersey. New Jersey Governor Mikie Sherrill blamed FIFA for the price hikes, citing a $48m bill the state faces to ensure fan safety at the eight games at the MetLife Stadium. “I won’t stick New Jersey commuters for that tab for years to come, that’s not fair,” Sherrill wrote on social media, adding that FIFA stood to make $11bn at the World Cup. FIFA issued a strongly-worded statement criticising the transport price hike, stating that the original host city agreements “required free transportation for fans to all matches”. A re-negotiation stipulated that transport would be offered “at cost” on match days. “We are quite surprised by the NJ Governor’s approach on fan transportation,” FIFA said.

A Senate vote on Wednesday failed to block a proposed sale of military bulldozers to Israel, with the measure losing 40‑59. Only seven Democrats crossed party lines to side with the Republican majority, underscoring a notable, though limited, shift in congressional sentiment.Progressive Senator Bernie Sanders introduced the bill amid mounting outrage over Israel’s use of bulldozers to raze villages in Gaza and Lebanon—actions described by rights groups as ethnic cleansing. While the resolution did not pass, 36 Democratic senators also backed a separate effort to stop 1,000‑lb bombs from reaching Israel, more than double the support such measures received last year.Advocacy organizations seized on the vote as a historic moment. Hassan el‑Tayyab of the Friends Committee on National Legislation said the tally shows a majority of Senate Democrats now oppose unconditional aid, aligning with broader American opinion. A recent Pew Research Center poll found 60 % of U.S. adults hold unfavorable views of Israel, with even higher negativity among voters under 50.Republican senators remained uniformly opposed. Senator Rick Scott accused the Democratic supporters of siding with terrorism, arguing that the blocked sales would have helped allies confront threats. The partisan divide highlights the political risk for Republicans who break with former President Donald Trump on Israel policy.Prominent lobbying groups also weighed in. The pro‑Israel lobby AIPAC warned that curbing arms sales would jeopardize Israel’s security, while liberal Zionist organization J Street welcomed the growing willingness to question unconditional assistance. Jewish Voice for Peace’s political director Beth Miller called the vote an "inflection point," suggesting it reveals "massive cracks" in the long‑standing U.S.–Israel alliance.Within the Democratic caucus, Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer faced criticism for voting against the resolution, prompting calls from progressive lawmakers like Rep. Ro Khanna for his resignation. Demonstrators outside Schumer’s and Sen. Kirsten Gillibrand’s offices demanded they support the bill, reflecting intensified grassroots pressure.The episode signals a potential realignment in U.S. foreign‑policy calculations. As public fatigue with the Gaza war, the Lebanon conflict, and the stalled Iran confrontation grows, lawmakers appear increasingly wary of using American tax dollars to fund overseas military operations that could entangle U.S. troops and erode domestic support.

President Donald Trump's ambitious plan to erect a colossal arch in Washington, DC, has cleared a significant hurdle with the US Commission of Fine Arts giving its approval to the proposed design. The arch, which would stand at 76 meters (250 feet) high, is intended to be built on Memorial Circle, between the Arlington National Cemetery and the Lincoln Memorial. The commission's approval is a crucial step forward for the project, which has faced criticism and legal challenges. The arch would be significantly larger than the Lincoln Memorial, which stands at 99 feet (30 meters) tall, and approximately twice as tall as the famous Arc de Triomphe in Paris, which the design resembles. The proposed monument, dubbed the 'Triumphal Arch,' would feature the phrases 'One Nation Under God' and 'Liberty and Justice for All' in gold lettering atop either side. However, the design has faced opposition, with about three out of every four people who delivered public comments expressing opposition, many citing its enormous size. Criticism has also centered on the potential impact on views of the national cemetery, a resting place for war veterans. Public Citizen Litigation Group is representing some Vietnam War veterans in a lawsuit against the proposed construction, arguing that it needs congressional approval. Even within the Commission of Fine Arts, there was some dissent. James McCrery II, the vice chair, suggested modifications to the design, including removing the winged statue and eagles on top and the lions at its base, citing that African animals are 'not a beast natural to the North American continent.' The project is part of Trump's efforts to leave his mark on the physical landscape of Washington, DC. The commission still needs to vote on final approval for the proposal after reviewing updated designs. If given final approval, the arch would tower above other landmarks in the national capital.

West Bengal’s electoral rolls have been slashed by over nine million names, representing roughly 12 % of the state’s 76 million registered voters, after the Election Commission of India (ECI) completed its Special Intensive Revision (SIR) earlier this month. The purge has hit the Muslim community hardest. In districts where Muslims form a sizable share of the electorate, deletions total 460,000 in Murshidabad, 330,000 in North 24 Parganas and 240,000 in Malda. Analysts say the pattern suggests a strategic effort to reshape the voter base ahead of the assembly election scheduled for April 23 and April 29, with results due on May 4. One of the most striking cases is that of Nabijan Mondal, 73, who has voted in every national, state and local election for the past five decades. She discovered her name missing from the new list because her voter card bears the nickname “Nabijan” while her Aadhaar and ration cards use the formal name “Nabirul.” Her husband, children and their spouses remain on the roll, leaving her unable to vote. Overall, nearly six million of the removed voters were classified as absent, shifted, dead or duplicate, while the remaining three million must appeal to special tribunals. However, the Supreme Court of India has ruled that those with pending tribunal cases cannot cast ballots in the upcoming election, though it may permit the ECI to issue supplementary lists. West Bengal’s Muslim population stands at about 25 million (27 % of the state’s 106 million residents). The Trinamool Congress (TMC), led by Mamata Banerjee, has governed the state since 2011 and relies heavily on Muslim support to counter the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). Banerjee has accused the ECI of partisan bias, claiming the SIR was “selectively applied … to benefit the BJP.” Conversely, the BJP frames the revision as a necessary measure against “illegal infiltrators,” linking the exercise to concerns over cross‑border migration from Bangladesh and Rohingya refugees. Independent research by the Kolkata‑based SABAR Institute supports the allegation of disproportionate impact. In the contested constituencies of Nandigram and Bhabanipur, where the BJP’s Suvendu Adhikari is challenging TMC leaders, over 95 % of the deleted names in Nandigram were Muslims, and 40 % of deletions in Bhabanipur involved Muslim voters, despite Muslims comprising only 25 % and 20 % of the respective populations. Women appear especially vulnerable. Legal scholar Swati Narayan notes that patrilocal customs and frequent name changes after marriage create documentation gaps that the SIR process penalises. Jesmina Khatun, a 31‑year‑old from Gobindapur, lost her name over a minor spelling inconsistency in her father’s surname, illustrating how minor clerical errors can disenfranchise voters. Political commentator Yogendra Yadav warns that the SIR places an “excessive burden” on female voters, who must produce proof from their natal homes while men can rely on documents from their current residence. With tribunals unlikely to clear the backlog before polling day, thousands of eligible citizens risk being excluded from a pivotal election that could reshape the political landscape of India’s most populous state.

Pope Leo has received a warm welcome in Cameroon, two decades after his first visit aimed at outreach. The massive crowds gathered to greet him reflect the significance of his return, highlighting the enduring impact of his previous trip.The Pope's visit underscores the continued importance of his message and the strong connection between the Vatican and Cameroon. Details about the Pope's itinerary and specific events during his visit are not provided, but the enthusiastic reception is a testament to his lasting influence.

El Salvador has introduced a new law that permits life imprisonment for minors as young as 12 for serious crimes such as homicide, terrorism, and rape. The law, which takes effect on April 26, is part of a broader crackdown on gang violence in the country. The move has drawn criticism from human rights groups, who warn that it could lead to grave human rights abuses and perpetuate long-term consequences for child and adolescent development. The law's passage is seen as a continuation of President Nayib Bukele's hardline policies, which have included a state of emergency that has suspended certain civil liberties since March 2022. Under this state of emergency, over 90,000 people have been imprisoned, with some detainees held without charges and others processed in mass trials. Human Rights Watch estimates that nearly 1.9% of El Salvador's population is behind bars, one of the highest rates in the world. The new law allows for periodic sentence reviews and the possibility of supervised release, but UNICEF has expressed deep concern about the prospect of children being sentenced to life behind bars. The organization argues that such measures contradict the standards enshrined in the Convention on the Rights of the Child, which prioritizes rehabilitation and reintegration over punishment. Critics have repeatedly called on Bukele and the Salvadoran government to end the state of emergency and related anti-crime measures, citing violations of fundamental human rights. A recent report by the International Group of Experts for the Investigation of Human Rights Violations alleged that crimes against humanity had been committed over the last four years, with Bukele himself acknowledging that at least 8,000 detainees were innocent.