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Pope Leo XIV delivered a powerful homily to an estimated 120,000 worshippers at the Japorma stadium in Douala, Cameroon’s largest economic centre. Speaking in both English and French, the pontiff urged the city’s young people to turn away from violence and corruption, emphasizing that true wealth lies in values such as faith, family, hospitality and diligent work.Security measures were stringent for the Friday Mass, and many attendees camped overnight despite harsh conditions, determined to witness the historic event. One pilgrim, Kevin Kaegam, told Reuters that the cold and mosquitoes were a small price to pay for the chance to see the “supreme pontiff”.Following the Mass, the Pope was scheduled to visit a local Catholic hospital and later travel to Yaoundé to meet students at the Catholic University of Central Africa. This stop follows a previous visit to Bamenda, a city at the heart of Cameroon’s nearly decade‑long English‑speaking separatist insurgency, where he also called for peace and condemned the exploitation of religion for political gain.Cameroon, with roughly 30 % of its population identifying as Catholic, is grappling with multiple crises, including the Anglophone conflict and lingering unrest from last year’s post‑election protests. The bishop of Obala, Leopold Bayemi Matjei, described the papal visit as a moment of great joy and a hopeful sign of divine blessing for the nation.In a more forceful tone than usual, Pope Leo criticized “neocolonial” powers for violating international law and warned that the whims of the rich and powerful threaten global peace. His comments on the war in Iran drew ire from U.S. President Donald Trump, who labelled the pontiff “weak” and “terrible for foreign policy”. Leo responded that he harbors “no fear of the Trump administration”.The Douala gathering marks the second stop of a four‑country African tour that began in Algeria and will also include Angola and Equatorial Guinea, underscoring the Pope’s broader mission to address social and political challenges across the continent.

Amid a wave of Israeli air strikes that have killed hundreds and displaced roughly 20 % of Lebanon’s population from the south, Lebanese banker Antoun Sehnaoui attracted fierce criticism after being publicly praised for his pro‑Israel activities. Sehnaoui, who chairs Societe Generale de Banque au Liban (SGBL), attended an event at the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum – a venue he has financially supported. The commendation came from Morgan Ortagus, the U.S. Middle‑East envoy who, according to reports, is also Sehnaoui’s romantic partner. Ortagus framed support for Israel as a matter of "moral clarity", even when it entails personal risk. She highlighted Sehnaoui’s funding of a U.S.–Israeli opera project, noting that such transactions are technically illegal in Lebanon under the country’s ban on dealings with Israeli entities. Describing the banker’s lineage, Ortagus said he hails from generations of "committed Lebanese Christian Zionists" and that his family has been "trained to support the State of Israel and the Jewish people." She also referenced his father, Nabil Sehnaoui, a principal backer of the Lebanese Forces militia, which allied with Israel during the 1982 invasion and was implicated in the Sabra‑Shatila massacres. The timing of the endorsement proved especially contentious. Since mid‑March, Israel has been accused of employing a “quadruple‑tap” bombing technique designed to maximise civilian casualties, and more than a million southerners have fled their homes, deepening sectarian tensions. Lebanese social‑media users reacted with outrage, calling for Sehnaoui’s imprisonment, accusing him of betraying his nation, and even alleging he had converted to Judaism. One commentator, academic Makram Rabah, argued that while a museum visit should not be controversial, the overt support for Israel amid a fragile ceasefire is. Ortagus’s own record – marked by staunch opposition to Hezbollah and open advocacy for Israel since her appointment in April 2025 – has already drawn scrutiny over her suitability as a neutral broker in the region. Beyond the political backlash, Sehnaoui faces serious legal challenges. Lebanese prosecutors have filed money‑laundering charges against him and SGBL, alleging illicit currency‑trading activities that exacerbated the country’s financial crisis that began in 2019. The bank denies any wrongdoing. In the United States, a 2020 civil lawsuit filed by families of Hezbollah‑linked attack victims accuses SGBL of providing material support to the militant group – a claim the bank also rejects. Lebanese MP Paula Yacoubian warned that Sehnaoui’s recent maneuvers appear designed to secure personal immunity in exchange for facilitating Israel‑Lebanon normalisation, rather than delivering tangible benefits such as the safe return of displaced residents. While the controversy rages, a tenuous ceasefire has allowed tens of thousands of residents to return to the devastated south, many seeking the remains of loved ones or assessing the damage to their homes.

San Francisco‑originated Philz Coffee announced on Friday that it will keep Pride flags displayed in all of its locations, overturning a policy introduced just days earlier that called for their removal.Chief executive Mahesh Sadarangani said in a statement, "I made a mistake and I am sincerely sorry," adding that the Pride flag represents "a symbol of safety and belonging for people who don’t always find that in the world," and that he does not wish to deprive any customer of that feeling.When the policy was first unveiled, Sadarangani framed it as a move toward uniformity, indicating that other non‑U.S. flags would also be taken down to maintain consistency across stores.The decision triggered an immediate and vocal backlash from both employees and customers. An online petition opposing the ban quickly amassed more than 7,300 signatures, reflecting the chain’s long‑standing reputation as an ally of the LGBTQ+ community.State Senator Scott Wiener, whose district includes San Francisco, condemned the policy on social media and suggested it was linked to Philz’s recent acquisition by private‑equity firm Freeman Spogli, raising concerns about corporate influence on inclusive practices.Sadarangani credited San Francisco Pride leaders Suzanne Ford and Jupiter Peraza for prompting the reversal, noting their outreach helped the company understand the broader impact of the decision."What gave me reason to engage with Mahesh was something I don’t always see from a CEO in this situation: genuine humility," Ford said. "He reached out, listened, and understood that this wasn’t about optics—it was about whether queer people and the employees who support them feel safe and seen. That matters."Founded in 2003, Philz Coffee has grown from a single San Francisco shop to a network of over 80 locations across California and Chicago, positioning itself as a community‑focused brand.The controversy occurs against a backdrop of nationwide debates over Pride symbols. Republican‑led states have recently removed rainbow flags from public spaces, and the Trump administration previously took down a rainbow flag at New York City’s Stonewall monument before agreeing to a settlement that restored it.Across the country, rainbow crosswalks have been targeted for removal, prompting cities like Miami Beach to install alternative displays—such as rainbow‑colored benches and plaques—to demonstrate solidarity with LGBTQ+ residents.

New Jersey’s transit authority has officially set the price of a return train ticket to the 2026 FIFA World Cup matches at MetLife Stadium at $150, a dramatic increase from the usual $12.90 fare between Penn Station and the stadium.The announcement also revealed premium parking will cost up to $225 in an ADA‑designated lot adjacent to the venue, with general spectator parking eliminated on match days.Governor Mikie Sherrill explained that the state faces a $48 million expense to safely move an estimated 40,000 fans per match. She emphasized that FIFA is not contributing financially, stating, "FIFA should cover the cost of transporting its fans. If it won’t, we will not be subsidizing World Cup ticket holders on the backs of New Jerseyans who rely on NJ Transit every day."Under the new scheme, fans must purchase a special NJ Transit World Cup ticket that includes a wristband for the return journey. Departures from Penn Station will be organized in time‑blocks, with multiple security checkpoints along the route.For those preferring road travel, a round‑trip bus service is available for $80, picking up passengers from two New York City locations and a park‑and‑ride site in Clifton, New Jersey, which can accommodate roughly 2,500 vehicles. Shuttle buses will then transport riders to the stadium, and tailgating will be prohibited.Sherrill highlighted that the existing host‑city agreement with FIFA provides zero dollars for fan transportation, shifting the entire burden onto NJ Transit. She contrasted this with FIFA’s projected $11 billion revenue from the tournament.FIFA’s event operations chief, Heimo Schirigi, responded that the pricing model could have a “chilling effect,” potentially driving fans toward alternative transport and increasing congestion. He reiterated FIFA’s long‑standing collaboration with host cities to develop efficient mass‑transit options.To lessen disruption for regular commuters, NJ Transit will suspend outbound service from Penn Station for four hours before each MetLife match and will offer free Path train and bus rides on affected days. Additional Path service is planned, and employers are encouraged to allow remote work.Discounts for regular riders on the two busiest match days, June 22 and June 30, will be funded by the NJ/NY host committee, according to Sherrill.Other U.S. host cities have taken different approaches: Kansas City is offering $15 bus shuttles to Arrowhead Stadium, while Philadelphia will keep its standard $2.90 fare for trips to Lincoln Financial Field.With limited parking and higher transit costs, officials are urging fans to rely on public transportation across all eleven host cities, emphasizing the broader economic and logistical challenges of hosting a global sporting event.

Punchbag, a south London-based electropop duo, is making waves with their sweaty and unvarnished sound. Recommended for fans of Charli xcx, Confidence Man, and Klaxons, their music is a perfect blend of off-kilter beats and maximalist bass. Their debut single, Fuck It, was a riotous mix of 90s rave and Clara's spit-soaked vocals. Their latest EP, I Am Obsessed, takes a darker turn with tracks like Playing God, a dry ice balladry that tackles the men in power. For those who crave a glorious racket, I Love This! is a shouty, nu-rave adjacent track that channels Charli xcx's style. This week's best new tracks Tara Clerkin Trio – Silently: A relaxing song with gauzy synths, a low-slung beat, and Spanish guitar that evokes a dusky shoreline. Babyfather – Slumpz: A corroded-symphony beat with Dean Blunt's steady flow makes for a welcome return. Thistle. – Pylon: A wobbling mass of noise that rides a giant wave of pondwater surf. Katseye – Pinky Up: A brat-pop party anthem with a chant-along chorus and hyperactive production. Massive Attack – Boots on the Ground (ft Tom Waits): A long-awaited return with wheezing breath, mournful piano, and eerie wailing. Disgusting Sisters – Weirdo Magnet: A playfully creepy track with succubus-style vocals and a bassline that prowls around. PPP – Wisco: A steamy, syncopated track that recalls the harder end of DJ Koze's recent album.

The Chisenhale Gallery in London greets visitors with an unsettling aroma that oscillates between sweet butter and a harsh, chemical perfume, immediately signalling that the exhibition is designed to disturb both mind and nostrils.At the heart of the show stands a massive mobile health unit – a former US‑British field ambulance acquired at a military auction. Its presence transforms the pastel‑painted gallery into a simulated triage zone, complete with faded chemical warnings, triage forms and evacuation maps. Among the discarded paperwork, a single sheet reveals that the vehicle participated in decontamination after the 2018 Novichok attack on double‑agent Sergei Skripal, adding a chilling historical layer to the installation.The surrounding walls are coated in Baker‑Miller pink, the hue once tested in US jails to calm aggressive inmates. This “drunk‑tank pink” juxtaposes the sterile pink of the health unit, blurring the line between soothing and coercive environments.Beyond visual cues, the exhibition assaults the senses with a bespoke scent concoction. Crowther blends substances derived from powdered milk – a symbol of industrialised sustenance – with hexadecanal, a naturally occurring skin compound known to dampen aggression in men while provoking it in women, and famously emitted by newborns. The result is a “sweetly putrid” odor that feels both familiar and alien, prompting visitors to question whether they are inhaling rubber, milk, or something more sinister.Through this multisensory tableau, Crowther frames colour and smell as potential psy‑ops, probing how basic human experiences can be industrialised and militarised. She asks: What does health mean when it is administered by the state or corporate entities? Who truly benefits when care becomes a tool of surveillance and control?Visitors navigate a space that oscillates between comfort and exploitation, leaving them to wonder whether they are being nurtured or manipulated. The exhibition runs at Chisenhale Gallery until 14 June 2026, inviting the public to confront the uneasy overlap of medical aid, military apparatus and sensory manipulation.

As the 2026 FIFA World Cup approaches, the cost of public transport to match venues in the New York‑New Jersey corridor is set to eclipse $100 for a single trip, prompting a sharp response from U.S. officials. Governor Mikie Sherrill of New Jersey took to X, demanding that FIFA shoulder the expense, warning that commuters should not be left with a multi‑year financial burden. Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer echoed the governor’s concerns, calling on the soccer federation to cover transportation costs after noting that FIFA stands to earn roughly $11 billion from the tournament while local transit agencies face a $48 million bill to move an estimated 40,000 fans per match. According to a report by The Athletic, a train ticket from New York’s Penn Station to MetLife Stadium in East Rutherford could top $100 on World Cup days, a stark jump from the regular $12.90 fare. Similar price hikes have been reported in Massachusetts, where tickets from Boston to Foxborough may reach $80 and bus fares could climb to $95. Sherrill highlighted that the existing host‑city agreement, signed in 2018, originally required free fan transportation. In 2023 FIFA amended the terms, allowing match‑ticket holders to pay for travel, a change she argues unfairly shifts costs onto taxpayers. New York Governor Kathy Hochul also voiced criticism, describing the proposed fares as “awfully high” and urging that the event remain affordable and accessible. Schumer added that New York commuters should not subsidize FIFA’s windfall, emphasizing the need for the federation to “step up and cover transportation costs for host cities and states.” In response, a FIFA spokesperson said the organization was “surprised” by the governor’s remarks and reiterated that the federation has long collaborated with host cities on mobility plans, including securing federal funding for transport infrastructure. The statement noted that the revised host‑city agreements permit fans to access public or additional transport at cost, but did not commit to direct financial contributions. The dispute underscores a broader tension between the massive economic benefits promised by the World Cup—projected to draw millions of fans to North America—and the immediate financial impact on local commuters. As the tournament, co‑hosted by the United States, Canada, and Mexico, prepares for kickoff in June, the outcome of these negotiations could set a precedent for how future mega‑events address public‑service costs.

Witold Banka, the head of the World Anti-Doping Agency (WADA), has emphasized that India's massive production of performance-enhancing drugs (PEDs) is a significant challenge in the fight against doping. With India being the largest producer of PEDs globally, Banka stresses that curbing their production is vital to protecting athletes and maintaining the integrity of professional sports.Banka and his team have been working closely with Indian authorities, including the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI), to disrupt the supply chain of PEDs and dismantle the networks of racketeers and agents involved in their distribution. WADA's Global Anti-Doping Intelligence and Investigations Network (GAIIN) initiative has been instrumental in this effort, with 250 raids worldwide, 88 illicit labs dismantled, and nearly 90 tonnes of PEDs seized since 2022.India's doping problem is particularly concerning, with the country topping the list of global sports drug cheats for three consecutive years. In 2024, India's National Anti-Doping Agency (NADA) collected 7,113 urine and blood samples, out of which 260 tested positive. This has raised concerns about the country's Olympic ambitions, particularly with India preparing to host the 2030 Commonwealth Games and potentially bidding for the 2036 Olympics.However, Banka believes that the focus should shift from testing athletes to targeting the suppliers of PEDs. He advocates for a top-down strategy, working with law enforcement agencies to disrupt the criminal networks involved in PED production and distribution. This approach aims to strengthen India's anti-doping system and prevent future doping cases.Banka also emphasized that India's doping statistics do not necessarily impact its ability to host major sporting events. Instead, the focus should be on how effectively the country's anti-doping system works from a legal perspective. WADA's role as a global anti-doping regulator is to assess and ensure the integrity of these systems.

Modern combat has been reshaped by the Russia‑Ukraine war, the Gaza clashes, India‑Pakistan skirmishes and the recent US‑Israel strikes on Iran, driving an unprecedented global appetite for drones, missiles and sophisticated air‑defence systems. Turkey, a leading military power in the Middle East, is positioning itself as a key supplier in this booming market. At the heart of Turkey’s push is Roketsan, a firm founded in 1988 to equip the Turkish Armed Forces. Today the company exports to roughly 50 nations and is counted among the fastest‑growing defence enterprises worldwide. Bypassing Western embargoes has been a catalyst for this growth. After the United States imposed CAATSA sanctions in 2020 and removed Turkey from the F‑35 programme, Ankara was forced to develop an indigenous defence ecosystem. The result is a network of nearly 4,000 small and medium‑sized enterprises that now supplies over 90 % of the components used in Turkish weapons. Financially, the strategy is paying off. In 2025 Turkish defence exports reached $10 billion. Roketsan’s General Manager Murat Ikinci told Al Jazeera the firm sits at 71st place among global defence firms and is targeting a climb into the top 50, then top 20, and ultimately the top 10 by the end of the decade. To fuel this ambition, President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan inaugurated a suite of new facilities last week, including: Europe’s largest warhead production plant. A new R&D centre employing 1,000 engineers. The “Kirikkale” complex dedicated to rocket‑fuel research. Infrastructure for mass‑producing ballistic and cruise missiles. The construction represents a $1 billion outlay, with an additional $2 billion earmarked for scaling up production capacity. Roketsan’s R&D engine—the third‑largest in Turkey with 3,200 engineers—draws heavily on lessons from ongoing wars. The Ukraine conflict highlighted the effectiveness of cheap FPV and AI‑guided kamikaze drones, prompting Roketsan to field systems such as the ALKA and BURC air‑defences and the laser‑guided CIRIT missile. Recent US‑Israel operations against Iran have underscored the threat posed by low‑cost Iranian‑designed Shahed drones, now upgraded with Russian “Kometa‑B” anti‑jamming modules. These swarms have overwhelmed regional defences and even struck a British base in Cyprus in March 2026, while NATO intercepted three Iranian ballistic missiles that entered Turkish airspace. In response, Roketsan is advancing the “Tayfun” (Typhoon) missile family. The flagship Tayfun Block 4 is a hypersonic ballistic missile designed to pierce advanced air‑defence layers at extreme speeds. When pressed for specifics, Ikinci declined to disclose the exact range, noting only that it is “sufficient.” Strategically, Turkey is shifting away from Western dependence toward an “Eastern” partnership model. Roketsan now offers joint production and technology‑development agreements, establishing co‑located facilities and R&D centres across the Middle East, Far East and Europe. Qatar has been cited as a flagship example of this collaborative approach. Roketsan has identified five priority product lines to meet rising global demand: Long‑range ballistic and cruise missiles. Advanced air‑defence systems, including “Steel Dome”, Hisar‑A, Hisar‑O and Siper. Submarine‑launched cruise missiles leveraging the AKYA system. Smart micro‑munitions for armed drones. Long‑range air‑to‑air missiles, a capability highlighted by the recent India‑Pakistan clash. The timing is critical. Ongoing conflicts have depleted the stockpiles of high‑end air‑defence assets worldwide. During the US‑Israel‑Iran confrontation, the United States relied heavily on Patriot and THAAD systems, raising concerns that interceptor inventories could run low. Gulf states, which have logged over 1,000 drone sightings in their airspace, are actively seeking alternative solutions—an opening that Turkey’s self‑sufficient supply chain is poised to fill. Analysts warn that even major powers like the United States will need years to rebuild their air‑defence inventories due to the complexity of production. Turkey’s claim of near‑complete domestic manufacturing positions it as a ready supplier for nations eager to diversify away from traditional Western sources. As demand for missiles and drones surges, Roketsan is reinvesting its revenues into expanding production infrastructure, aiming to cement its place among the world’s elite defence exporters.