Breaking AI & Tech News Analyzed

Conservationists and scientists have warned that the Minerals Council of Australia’s proposal to employ artificial intelligence for faster national environmental approvals could generate “Robodebt‑style” failures, further endangering already vulnerable species.The council has asked the federal government to allocate $13 million for a pilot that would use AI to help companies draft assessment applications and assist regulators in decision‑making.The Biodiversity Council – a consortium of independent experts from eleven universities – told Guardian Australia that while AI may assist with routine tasks, automating whole environmental assessments could lead to opaque, flawed decisions that push threatened species closer to extinction.“Robodebt” refers to the automated welfare‑debt recovery scheme that, between 2015 and 2019, wrongly accused hundreds of thousands of Australians of overpayments, highlighting the danger of opaque algorithmic judgments.Lis Ashby, the Biodiversity Council’s lead on policy and innovation, noted that the cornerstone of Australia’s environmental protection, the Environment Protection and Biodiversity Conservation (EPBC) Act, is riddled with vague language and broad ministerial discretion, which hampers rule‑based decision‑making and would be even more problematic for an AI tool.She added that establishing clear rules in the National Environmental Standards, including explicit definitions of unacceptable outcomes, would accelerate assessment times even without AI and is essential for any future automation.Brendan Sydes, national biodiversity policy adviser at the Australian Conservation Foundation, expressed scepticism, stating that “technology can be a good servant but a poor master.” He urged the government to focus on closing existing data gaps on threatened species and habitats rather than relying on AI.Prof. David Lindenmayer, a forest ecologist at the Australian National University and Biodiversity Council member, highlighted that one‑third of Australia’s threatened species have not been monitored and many others suffer from patchy data, gaps traditionally filled by expert consultation.He warned that AI decisions are only as reliable as the data they are fed, and most threatened species lack publicly available information, even basic location data, risking decisions based on outdated or incomplete evidence.The Albanese government recently passed reforms to the EPBC Act after a 2020 review found the legislation failing to protect species and habitats.Prof. Hugh Possingham, a leading conservation biologist at the University of Queensland, argued that AI models need robust training material, and the past two decades of EPBC approvals are “clearly unsuitable” because the Act has demonstrably failed to safeguard the environment. He suggested that hiring more human assessors would be a more effective way to speed up evaluations.Tania Constable, chief executive of the Minerals Council, dismissed the Robodebt comparison as “disappointing,” insisting the proposal is innovative and could strengthen environmental protection while improving efficiency. She said the AI tools would support human decision‑making for both regulators and project proponents, helping navigate the complexity of EPBC assessments.A federal government spokesperson said budget decisions on the AI trial will be made “in due course,” but the environment department is exploring how AI could simplify application processes. The statement emphasized that “decisions about whether to approve projects must, and will, always be made by assessment officers, not by AI.”Nonetheless, officials acknowledged that AI tools have the potential to save time, reduce uncertainty, and translate technical language for stakeholders.

The B Corp certification, a coveted ethical status for companies, has undergone its biggest overhaul in 19 years. B Lab, the organisation behind the certification, has raised the standards required to qualify, putting dozens of companies at risk of losing their status. Previously, companies could make up for poor performance in one area by scoring highly in another. However, the new system requires companies to meet 'non-negotiable' standards in every one out of seven categories, with attainment verified by a third-party audit. The overhaul has been partly motivated by changes to EU law that require companies boasting of any ethical standard, including B Corp status, to be rubber-stamped by an external organisation. Sources familiar with the process said that some of the 10,000 companies that have the status will need to improve ethical standards to recertify, which they must do every three years. Analysis by the Guardian of the publicly available B Corp database suggests hundreds are already at, or close to, the 80-point threshold required, even under the old, less onerous system. Of more than 2,000 UK B Corps, more than 60 score exactly 80 points, including the Kent-based digital marketing agency Sleeping Giant Media and VoucherCodes, a website that provides details of discount offers from leading brands. Larger companies will face more extensive requirements under the new standard, including declaring their tax policies and setting science-based emissions targets across all areas of the business. One source said the changes could even affect companies that now score highly, such as the private bank Coutts, which has a score of 107.6 and does not have to recertify until 2028. B Lab UK said: 'Our goal is not for every business to become a B Corp, but for every business to behave like one.'

Utah has enacted a law that effectively shields fossil fuel companies from legal accountability for climate damages. The legislation, signed by Republican Governor Spencer Cox, limits the ability of residents to sue these companies for their role in contributing to climate change. The new law is part of a broader effort by the fossil fuel industry and its allies to secure legal immunity in statehouses and Congress. This push is aimed at countering a wave of litigation filed by states, subnational governments, and individuals who claim that fossil fuel companies knew their products would cause climate damages but sold them anyway. Critics argue that the law prioritizes profits for the biggest polluters over communities already suffering from climate impacts. The law requires challengers to provide 'clear and convincing evidence' that damage or injury has resulted directly from a violation, making it virtually impossible to successfully sue polluters for climate damages. The legislation was sponsored by Republican Representative Carl Albrecht, who has received funding from oil and gas interests. Albrecht's ties to the industry have raised concerns about the bill's motivations. The law closely mirrors a model policy called the Energy Freedom Act, circulated by the conservative group Consumers Defense, which has financial ties to a group linked to Leonard Leo, a key figure in the far-right takeover of the Supreme Court. The passage of Utah's law comes as climate lawsuits against big oil companies are inching closer to trial. Seventy cities, states, and individuals have sued energy majors for allegedly deceiving the public about the climate crisis. New York and Vermont have also passed climate 'superfund' laws requiring major polluters to pay for damages caused by their past planet-heating pollution. Lawmakers and advocates have amassed evidence that oil companies intentionally covered up the climate harms of their products. Climate science continues to warn that fossil fuels are the primary cause of dangerous global warming. Critics argue that the fossil fuel industry is pushing for immunity because it knows it cannot win on the merits of its case.

Two weeks after the United States and Israel entered a direct conflict with Iran, the White House faced mounting criticism that the war would drive up fuel costs and anger voters. Former President Donald Trump attempted to calm concerns on Truth Social, noting that the United States is the world’s largest oil producer and that higher prices translate into higher revenues for American companies. Now, five weeks into the hostilities, the reality is becoming clear: defense contractors and oil companies are the primary beneficiaries of the escalating energy market. The Department of Defense announced that Boeing will partner with Lockheed Martin to triple U.S. production of missile seekers, a move that sent Lockheed Martin’s stock up 25% since the start of the year. The announcement also lifted Boeing’s share price, underscoring how wartime procurement is boosting aerospace valuations. At the same time, Iran’s continued blockade of the Strait of Hormuz—through which roughly one‑fifth of global oil and gas flows—has pushed U.S. crude from $65 to over $110 per barrel in just a month. Pump prices have mirrored this surge, breaking the $4‑a‑gallon barrier for the first time since 2022. Oil majors have responded with sharp stock gains; ExxonMobil, Shell and Chevron have each risen more than 20% year‑to‑date. According to market‑research firm Rystad Energy, U.S. oil producers stand to earn an additional $63 billion as barrels trade above $100. “Oil prices in March have been materially higher than anyone expected, delivering a windfall for the vast majority of U.S. energy companies,” said Leo Mariani, senior analyst at Roth Capital Partners. The last comparable price shock occurred in 2022 after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, when U.S. gasoline peaked at $5 per gallon and inflation surged to 9%. That episode generated $916 billion in global oil‑and‑gas profits, with U.S. firms accounting for $281 billion. Chevron’s subsequent $75 billion stock‑buyback program—seven times its prior year’s amount—illustrates how quickly companies can translate price spikes into shareholder returns. Research by economists Gregor Semieniuk and Isabella Weber revealed that in 2022, 50% of oil‑company profits went to the top 1% of Americans, while the bottom half of the wealth distribution captured just 1% of those gains. Analysts warn that the current conflict could generate even larger windfalls because it has damaged actual production capacity in the Middle East, not merely reshuffled supply. “You’re benefiting a lot more from higher prices than you are from lost production,” Mariani noted, emphasizing the outsized profit potential. Even if hostilities cease, restoring pre‑conflict output in the region may take months, prolonging the supply crunch. As senior fellow Clay Seagle of the Center for Strategic and International Studies explains, the current situation differs from 2022: “Now we’re dealing with a much more severe supply event because the oil has been actually removed from the market.” Prolonged high prices could eventually curb demand, as consumers and businesses seek alternatives—a shift seen after the 1970s oil shocks when the U.S. moved away from oil‑generated electricity. Nonetheless, many sectors remain vulnerable: diesel, a key fuel for trucks and aircraft, has risen 40%, and airline stocks such as United and American have fallen more than 15% since the year began. Moreover, disruptions to liquefied natural gas (LNG) production threaten fertilizer supplies essential for agriculture. Semieniuk cautions that “we’re approaching the kinds of disruption levels we saw in 2022, and with that, the kinds of profits that we saw there. If this takes longer, it’s going to surpass that.”

The cost of living crisis in the UK has become a persistent reality for many low-income families, who are struggling to make ends meet. The situation has worsened due to the ripple effects of the war in Ukraine, with companies expected to raise prices rapidly in the coming months.The author, Ella Michalski, is part of Changing Realities, a collaboration of parents and low-income families from across the UK. She shares her personal experience of struggling to get by, with her family relying heavily on their car due to her daughters' complex needs. The financial circumstances of her family have not significantly improved in the past five years, despite her partner working.The article highlights the need for more support from the government, particularly for families with dependent children. The recent abolition of the two-child benefit cap and the rise in the minimum wage are seen as positive steps, but more needs to be done to address the root causes of poverty. The author also calls for changes to universal credit, including ending the punishing five-week wait for a first payment.The government's crisis and resilience fund (CRF) is seen as a step in the right direction, but its accessibility and effectiveness are concerns. The author argues that the government needs to target cost of living support at those who need it most, with a recognition that families with dependent children need more support.

From Monday, the United Kingdom’s statutory sick‑pay system will shift to pay employees from the first day of illness, a change that the Trades Union Congress (TUC) says will benefit up to 9.6 million workers. The reform is part of the first tranche of the Employment Rights Act 2025, which also introduces new safeguards on sexual harassment, parental leave and trade‑union recognition. Under the new rules, roughly 8.4 million employees who already receive statutory sick pay will see their entitlement start on day one rather than after a three‑day waiting period. In addition, about 1.2 million workers previously excluded because they earned less than the £125‑a‑week threshold will now qualify for the benefit. The expansion is expected to aid groups that are over‑represented in low‑paid or part‑time roles – notably women, disabled staff, and younger or older workers. The TUC argues that the measure will ease the financial pressure on lower‑income households, which often face a choice between extending their illness or forfeiting essential income. A TUC‑commissioned poll found that 76 % of respondents support sick pay from day one, indicating broad public approval across party lines. Business representatives, however, warn that the policy adds to a string of cost pressures already hitting firms. Neil Carberry, chief executive of the Recruitment and Employment Confederation, highlighted that employers are simultaneously coping with higher national‑minimum wages, increased payroll taxes and rising energy costs linked to the ongoing war with Iran. He cautioned that the new sick‑pay rules could force some companies to cut staff or raise prices, describing the situation as a "tipping point". Carberry also warned of potential abuse, saying a small minority of workers might attempt to exploit the system unless clear guidance is issued quickly. "The changes to statutory sick pay introduced this week will also cause chaos if not coupled swiftly with better guidance for firms," he said.

Iran is experiencing the longest nationwide internet blackout ever recorded, according to the global monitoring group NetBlocks. Since the United States and Israel launched their war on Iran on February 28, connectivity has hovered at about 1% of pre‑war levels, effectively cutting the country off from the global web. The blackout follows a prior 20‑day shutdown in January, which coincided with deadly nationwide protests. Combined, these measures mean that Iranian civilians have spent close to two‑thirds of 2026 in digital darkness, relying only on a slow, state‑controlled intranet for basic services and state‑run news. NetBlocks highlighted that while regions such as Myanmar, Sudan, Kashmir and Tigray have endured longer intermittent outages, no other war has forced an entire nation offline to this extent. The monitor added that Iran is the first country to lose previously functional internet connectivity by reverting to a national network. Economic analysts warned that the January shutdown already caused the economy to lose tens of millions of dollars each day in direct damages, with far‑reaching indirect effects. Companies reported that many online businesses could not survive more than three weeks without connectivity, leading to a wave of layoffs and reduced pay raises. One affected worker, Kamran, a product designer in Karaj, said he was dismissed after the latest wave of cuts. He now relies on a local skill‑matching group, but fears competition from thousands of similarly displaced workers. A senior data analyst from a Tehran firm disclosed that the firm is offering lower-than‑expected raises and shifting to three‑month contracts, creating uncertainty about future employment. Compounding the digital crisis, the war has targeted Iran’s steel factories, petrochemical plants and other civilian infrastructure, aggravating pre‑existing problems of high inflation and unemployment. Only a limited segment of the population can access the global internet—either because they are whitelisted by the state or because they pay steep fees for proxy connections that often disappear after a few hours. Government spokeswoman Fatemeh Mohajerani stated that internet access is being granted only to those who can “get the voice out,” such as officials, state‑affiliated entities and news agencies. Citizens on the ground describe a grim reality: frequent power outages, uncertainty about water supplies, and an inability to use services like Google Search or AI tools, even as they watch live feeds from space missions that remain inaccessible. In response to the prolonged shutdown, authorities have begun rolling out a tiered system dubbed “Internet Pro.” Business groups have received a “guide to connect to international internet,” urging them to contact a state‑run messaging app, Bale, for registration. Parallel efforts by a major telecom carrier offer one‑year data packages at prices higher than normal plans, while existing providers have not refunded customers for services they cannot deliver. President Masoud Pezeshkian’s administration, which campaigned on unblocking Iran’s internet, has offered no official explanation for the shutdown, leaving both the battered digital sector and the broader economy facing an uncertain future.

Jeffrey Stephen Wigand, a biochemist who helped reveal how tobacco companies targeted children and hid the addictive nature of cigarettes, has been drawing parallels between the tobacco industry and social media companies. Wigand, who played a crucial role in the landmark tobacco trials of the 1990s, believes that social media companies have similarly designed their products to be addictive, particularly targeting children.The recent verdict in a major social media trial, which found Meta and YouTube liable for their role in creating addictive products, has strengthened comparisons to the legal crackdown on big tobacco. Wigand sees it as a similar situation, where companies prioritize profits over people's well-being. He notes that both industries use advertisements to target children, with social media companies using data to create addictive algorithms.Wigand's experience in the tobacco industry informs his perspective on social media. He was hired by Brown & Williamson (B&W;) in 1989 to develop a safer cigarette but was fired after raising concerns about carcinogenic substances in cigarettes. He then publicly declared that the tobacco industry was a 'nicotine delivery business' and helped the federal government in its investigations.Wigand believes that social media companies, like tobacco companies, intentionally addict people, especially children, to generate revenue. He emphasizes that brain development in children makes them vulnerable to addiction, and that social media companies exploit this vulnerability.The tobacco industry faced significant reforms and financial penalties following Wigand's whistleblowing. He hopes that similar actions will be taken against social media companies, including putting guardrails on access for children and holding companies accountable for their role in creating harm. Wigand's message to tech workers considering becoming whistleblowers is to carefully weigh the personal costs and prepare for the challenges that come with speaking out.

Several Premier League clubs are struggling to find new shirt sponsors ahead of next season, with nine clubs yet to secure front-of-shirt commercial deals and 12 having not signed contracts. The imminent ban on shirt advertising from gambling companies is having a significant impact on clubs' commercial returns, with the collective loss of income from shirt deals potentially as high as £80m next season.Gambling operators, particularly those serving Asian markets, have been willing to pay more than other companies to sponsor Premier League clubs. However, the removal of gambling firms from the market has led to intense competition among clubs at lower prices. Of the 10 top-flight clubs with gambling sponsors this season, only Bournemouth have announced a replacement, with the club's stadium sponsor Vitality moving on to the shirt in a cut-price deal.Brentford are close to announcing that their existing training kit sponsor, the job search website Indeed, will be on their shirt next season, while Everton and Fulham appear set to buck the trend as they are in advanced negotiations with the foreign exchange trader CMC markets. However, seven clubs with gambling companies' backing remain in the market, including Chelsea and Newcastle, who are still seeking new sponsors.The ban on gambling sponsorships has exacerbated the divide between the big six clubs and the rest of the Premier League in terms of the sponsors they can attract. Arsenal, Liverpool, Manchester City, and Manchester United are locked into long-term deals worth between £50m and £60m a year, while Leeds and Brighton have long-term contracts with Red Bull and American Express respectively.