Breaking AI & Tech News Analyzed

Assam, India – Under the sweltering April sun, Akram Ali stood amid the rubble of his four‑room house, a home he had built over 45 years ago. The demolition, part of a government‑led bulldozing operation on March 14, turned his residence into a pile of debris.Bulldozers descended on Islampur, a Muslim‑majority neighbourhood on the outskirts of Guwahati, and for four hours razed homes across 177 hectares (437 acres). The sweep rendered 400 families homeless, including Ali, who now lives in a tarpaulin shanty a few kilometres from his former home.Ali, a daily‑wage worker, told Al Jazeera that despite identifying as Goriya – “son of the soil” – his house was destroyed. The Goriyas are an Assamese‑speaking Muslim community traditionally settled in the tea‑belt region. In 2022, the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) officially recognised the Goriya, along with four other Muslim sub‑groups, as “Indigenous” to Assam.While this designation has afforded the Indigenous Muslims a degree of cultural safety, it has not shielded them from the state’s aggressive land‑clearance drives. Ali questioned the distinction, asking, “Weren’t our homes demolished because we are Muslims?”Muslims make up more than a third of Assam’s 31 million residents, according to the 2011 census. Of these, roughly 6.3 million are Bengali‑speaking “miyas,” often labelled “outsiders,” while about 4 million belong to Indigenous groups like the Goriya.The BJP, led nationally by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, has been courting the Indigenous Muslim vote ahead of the April 2026 state elections, where it seeks a third consecutive term after governing since 2016. Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma, who has spearheaded the party’s crackdown on “miyas” since 2021, claims the government will “never target” Indigenous Muslims.Political analyst Bonojit Hussain explains that the BJP’s outreach serves two purposes: softening its communal image and capturing decisive vote blocks in constituencies where Indigenous Muslims and Hindus together decide the outcome. In seats such as Nalbari, where Indigenous Muslims account for over 25 % of the electorate, and Barkhetri, with roughly 80,000 Muslim voters, the community’s support can swing the result.Upper Assam, a region with a strong Assamese‑speaking identity, is especially critical. Journalist Firoz Khan notes that Indigenous Muslims influence the outcome in seven or eight of the 39 seats there, prompting the BJP to temper its overtly anti‑Muslim rhetoric in the area.Despite the party’s overtures, many Indigenous Muslims remain skeptical. Moinul Islam, spokesperson for the rights group Sadou Asom Goria Jatiya Parishad, warned that the BJP’s broader anti‑Muslim policies—evictions, voter‑list objections, and alleged deportations—are unlikely to win their votes.Earlier in 2025, similar demolition drives displaced hundreds of Goriya families in Lakhimpur and Golaghat districts, and a systematic campaign to challenge Muslim names on electoral rolls further strained relations.BJP spokesman Kishore Upadhyay dismissed the allegations as “malicious, biased and politically motivated,” but Indigenous groups argue the pattern signals an attempt to erase their cultural legacy.Recent actions by the state government reinforce this perception. Chief Minister Sarma renamed the only medical college in Barpeta—previously bearing the name of Goriya freedom fighter Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed—arguing that institutions should reflect their geographic location. Critics view the move as symbolic of a broader effort to marginalise Muslim contributions to Assam’s history.In December 2025, Sarma also proposed dropping the hyphen in “Sankar‑Azan,” a name that celebrated the syncretic legacy of 15th‑century polymath Srimanta Sankardev and 17th‑century Sufi saint Azan Peer. Communist Party member Isfaqur Rahman warned that such revisions reflect a “slow erasure of Assamese Muslim heritage.”For Ali, the demolition has hardened his political stance. “After being evicted, the chief minister called us illegal immigrants and broke our backs by destroying our homes,” he said. “We are the new miyas.”

A group of 32 former UK ambassadors and high commissioners has urged the UK government to take action against companies bidding to build an illegal Israeli settlement in the West Bank. The planned E1 settlement, which would involve the construction of 3,400 houses on "Palestinian soil," is part of Israel's "systemic West Bank annexation."The letter, published in the Guardian, calls for a UK trade ban on settlement products and services, as well as "suspending trade concessions with Israel for its breach of the human rights provision in the UK-Israel trade and partnership agreement."The E1 plan, which has been on hold for two decades, poses an "existential threat" to the future of the two-state solution. Critics argue that it would extend the existing Jewish settlement of Ma'ale Adumim towards Jerusalem, further cutting occupied East Jerusalem from the West Bank, and further separating the north and south of the territory.Keir Starmer has stated that the Israeli settlements, including the E1 settlement, are a "flagrant breach of international law" and threaten the viability of a two-state solution. The UK government has recommended that "settlement products are labelled so that consumers are informed."The letter calls for Britain to lead the way in taking action against the Israeli settlement plans. "Britain is ideally fitted, both by that decision and its historic responsibilities in the region, to give a lead to like-minded European and Commonwealth partners," it states.

Tens of thousands of people have been hired by Scale AI – a firm 49% owned by Meta – to train artificial‑intelligence models by scraping Instagram accounts, harvesting copyrighted artwork and transcribing pornographic soundtracks, according to the Guardian.Scale AI promotes its Outlier platform as a flexible, expert‑driven marketplace, recruiting professionals from medicine, physics and economics to "become the expert that AI learns from."Workers, however, say the reality diverges sharply from high‑level model refinement. They describe tasks that involve massive personal‑data scraping and content that many find morally uncomfortable.Outlier is managed by Scale AI, which holds contracts with the U.S. Pentagon and other defense companies. Its chief executive, Alexandr Wang, is hailed by Forbes as the world’s youngest self‑made billionaire, while former managing director Michael Kratsios served as science adviser to former President Donald Trump.One contractor noted that users of Meta platforms would be shocked to learn their photos and friends’ images are being harvested for AI training, with workers manually reviewing profiles to extract data.The Guardian interviewed ten Outlier contributors – many also journalists, graduate students, teachers or librarians – who took the gig work out of economic desperation. One said, "A lot of us were really desperate" and felt compelled to accept the unstable, low‑pay assignments.These gig workers, dubbed “taskers,” often feel they are training their own replacements, expressing “internalised shame and guilt” over contributing to the automation of creative professions.Law firm Clarkson, representing AI gig workers, estimates that hundreds of thousands of people worldwide now labor on platforms like Outlier. Taskers report bait‑and‑switch recruitment tactics, where advertised high salaries are replaced by lower‑paid projects after onboarding.All contributors are monitored through a tool called Hubstaff, which can screenshot browsers to verify work. While Scale AI claims the software is only for accurate payment, workers describe it as constant surveillance.Assignments have ranged from transcribing pornographic audio and labeling photos of dead animals or dog faeces, to annotating diagrams of infant genitalia and violent police scenarios. One doctoral student recounted being promised “no nudity” only to receive explicit porn clips.Scale AI says it shuts down any task flagged as inappropriate and does not accept projects involving child sexual‑abuse material or pornography, though workers note that publicly available images of minors have been used for training.Social‑media scraping tasks required workers to tag individuals by name, location and age, sometimes pulling data from accounts of users under 18. One task asked contributors to order Facebook photos by the subject’s age, prompting ethical unease.In addition to personal data, taskers were asked to harvest copyrighted artwork, with strict instructions to avoid AI‑generated images and select only hand‑drawn pieces. Scale AI maintains it does not ask workers to violate copyright standards.Scale AI’s client list includes major tech firms such as Google, Meta and OpenAI, as well as the U.S. Department of Defense and the government of Qatar, highlighting the growing demand for labelled data as AI models scale.Some workers reported interacting with ChatGPT and Claude, and speculated they might be training Meta’s upcoming model, code‑named “Avocado.”OpenAI announced it ended its partnership with Scale AI in June 2025, citing its supplier code of conduct that mandates ethical treatment of all workers.Despite irregular pay, occasional mass layoffs and the unsettling nature of many tasks, many taskers remain on the Outlier platform, hoping the AI future will eventually improve conditions. One said, "I have to be positive about AI because the alternative is not great."In response, a Scale AI spokesperson stated, "Outlier provides flexible, project‑based work with transparent pay. Contributors choose when and how they participate, and we regularly hear from highly skilled contributors who value the flexibility and opportunity to apply their expertise on the platform."

The UK is facing a potential rebranding of its beloved breakfast spread, marmalade, due to new EU rules. The proposed changes are part of a planned food deal with the EU, which would require the UK to align with the bloc's naming rules for food products.Under the new rules, marmalades may need to be relabelled to specify the type of fruit used, such as 'citrus marmalade'. However, the government has clarified that 'orange marmalade' will still be allowed and that jars on UK shelves will remain unchanged.The Conservative former home secretary, Priti Patel, has accused Labour of 'attacking the great British marmalade', claiming that the prime minister is 'desperate to fit in with his EU pals and unpick Brexit'. However, the government spokesperson has denied this, stating that the deal simply supports trade by cutting unnecessary red tape.The UK is being asked to align with regulations already in force within the EU, which allow all conserves to be marketed as marmalades as long as the type of fruit is specified. The rules were relaxed in 2004 to allow fruit-based spreads to be referred to as marmalades in certain European countries.A government source pointed out that marmalade on UK supermarket shelves is already usually labelled as 'orange marmalade', which they suggested is in compliance with the EU rules. The government has assured that the agreement supports exporters while fully preserving the UK's ability to shape food rules in the national interest.

Will Sherman, a 22‑year‑old second‑row forward for Anthem Rugby Carolina, is quickly being labelled the next cornerstone of US rugby. The Charlotte‑based player combines a deep family legacy with a modern development pathway that could shape the national team ahead of the 2031 Rugby World Cup. Sherman’s rugby pedigree begins with his father, Wade Sherman, a member of the 1990s Cal Berkeley champion side that featured Mark Bingham – one of the heroic passengers on Flight 93. Wade’s own introduction to the sport came after a teenage trip to Australia’s Bondi Beach, where he and friends first saw the game and later founded a high‑school team in northern California before playing for Cal and BYU. He now serves as Will’s first coach. Raised in Utah’s vibrant Pacific Islander community, Sherman attended East High School, a hub for the state’s long‑standing rugby culture. Standing 6 ft 4 in and capable of playing both lock and flanker, he attributes his physicality and work ethic to the “hard‑knock” lessons learned on Utah pitches. After a stint at UCLA—where the club side operates with varsity‑level commitment but without the same resources—Sherman caught the eye of Australian coach Harry Bennett. Bennett’s mentorship helped Sherman earn a place on the US under‑23 tour of South Africa, a tour overseen by Argentine coach Agustín Cavalieri, now head coach at Anthem. In his MLR debut against the California Legion, Sherman logged roughly 50 minutes, received a yellow card for repeated infringements, and recorded 19 tackles. While impressive, it was eclipsed by the 36 tackles he made in a single match for Australia’s storied Randwick club last season, underscoring his rapid adaptation to elite competition. Anthem, backed by World Rugby as a development vehicle for the 2031 World Cup, endured a winless first two seasons (0‑32). The team finally broke the streak with a 39‑26 victory over the Legion, a game in which Sherman’s performance earned him the nickname “Wreck‑It Will” from college friends. Reflecting on the win, Sherman said the moment was “an amazing honor” and highlighted the broader significance: “Every game now feels like a first—our first win at home, our first win against Chicago—so the motivation keeps building.” He also praised the experience of matching up against veteran lock and Eagles captain Jason Damm, calling it “an honor to play against someone I’ve looked up to for so long.” Looking ahead, Anthem’s schedule includes a clash with the Chicago Hounds on ESPN+, a key step in the club’s quest to become a consistent pipeline for American talent ahead of the 2031 World Cup.

In a pulsating Friday night showdown, Northampton Saints held off a resilient Castres Olympique side to clinch a 49‑41 victory and book a place in the Champions Cup quarter‑finals.Castres were hampered by discipline, receiving three yellow cards – two within a three‑minute spell in the first half and another ten minutes from the break – and missed three of six conversion attempts, leaving valuable points on the board.Saints, however, kept the ball alive, launching an attack on every possession. They crossed the try line seven times, including a penalty try, with fly‑half Anthony Belleau successfully slotting six conversions.The French side struck first when wing Christian Ambadiang capitalised on a scrum‑half kick to score in the corner after just seven minutes. He added an early intercept try and later forced a penalty try after pulling Saints winger James Ramm over the line, earning himself a yellow card.Discipline continued to bite Castres when second‑row Guillaume Ducat was sin‑binned for a high‑impact collision with Saints flanker Henry Pollock. Even with a numerical advantage, Castres struggled to retain possession, conceding a penalty that scrum‑half Jérémy Fernandez converted.Early in the second half, Saints broke the deadlock with a try from Josh Kemeny, followed by a score from Tommy Freeman nine minutes later, widening the gap.Castres fought back when centre Tyler Ardron intercepted a pass to touch down, but a subsequent handling error by Saints’ Santiago Arata prevented a further Castres try. Saints responded with a rapid interception by Vuate Karawalevu, though the try was disallowed for a prior knock‑on. The Saints then exploited defensive lapses, with George Furbank and James Ramm each adding scores.In the closing stages, Castres’ Vilimoni Botitu found the line, yet a yellow card for Veresa Ramototabua’s high tackle and a late try from Fraser Dingwall sealed the Saints’ win. The victory propels Northampton, last year’s losing finalists, into a quarter‑final clash against either Bath or Saracens.

The United Nations‑backed Gang Suppression Force (GSF) announced on Wednesday that its first foreign troops have landed in Haiti, signalling a new phase in the international effort to tame the country’s spiralling gang warfare.An advance team of soldiers from Chad arrived in Port‑au‑Prince, accompanied by Jack Christofides, a South African UN official appointed to lead the mission’s operations on the ground.The deployment is the initial step of a force slated to expand to 5,500 personnel with a 12‑month mandate. The GSF was authorized by the UN Security Council last September as a replacement for the earlier Kenyan‑led multinational security mission, which has struggled with funding shortfalls, insufficient manpower and limited institutional backing.Unlike its predecessor, which was limited to supporting Haitian police, the new force will have the authority to make arrests and conduct direct operations against groups designated as gangs. The concept was first put forward by the United States and Panama to “neutralise, isolate and deter” criminal networks.During the Security Council vote, twelve members voted in favour of the force, while China, Russia and Pakistan abstained. Russia’s representative, Vassily Nebenzia, criticised the plan as “rushed” and warned that its broad language could enable abuses, noting that the mandate permits the use of force against anyone labelled a gang.Haiti’s recent history of foreign intervention adds a layer of sensitivity to the deployment. Past UN peacekeeping missions have been linked to a cholera outbreak that claimed roughly 10,000 lives after the 2010 earthquake, and UN personnel have faced accusations of sexual assault in earlier decades.Gang control has tightened dramatically since the 2021 assassination of President Jovenel Moïse. Analysts estimate that up to 90 % of Port‑au‑Prince is now under gang influence, with around 26 criminal groups operating in the capital. The UN estimates that at least 16,000 people have been killed since 2022 and that more than 1.5 million have been displaced, many facing food insecurity. A recent human‑rights report recorded 5,519 gang‑related deaths and 2,608 injuries between March 2025 and mid‑January 2026, alongside reports of extrajudicial killings and sexual violence.The arrival of the GSF coincides with Haiti’s tentative steps toward a national election scheduled for August, where roughly 300 political parties and groups have registered. Acting Prime Minister Alix Didier Fils‑Aime has recently met with UN officials to discuss the new force’s role in stabilising the country ahead of the vote.

Manchester United's financial accounts have revealed that their wage bill for the last season was significantly lower than that of their Women's Super League rivals, Arsenal. The £5.88m total wage bill, including social security and pensions costs, was far closer to that of fifth-placed Brighton, whose total was £5m.In contrast, Arsenal, the only other club among the WSL's big four to have published their accounts, paid their players and staff £9.9m and their wage bill, including social security and pensions costs, reached £11.3m. This disparity in spending highlights the challenges faced by Manchester United as they prepare for a crucial Champions League quarter-final match against Bayern Munich.Despite the lower wage bill, Manchester United recorded a profit before tax of £510,000 and total revenue rose by 16% to £10.74m, thanks largely to a big increase in what the accounts labelled “services recharged to other group undertakings”. The club's matchday revenue fell sharply, from £1.87m in 2023-24 to £1.22m, while broadcasting revenue and commercial revenue also dropped.Manchester United's manager, Marc Skinner, will be looking to overcome a 3-2 deficit against Bayern Munich, a team that has been in impressive form. Skinner emphasized that if his team were to progress to the semi-finals, it would rank as highly as their FA Cup triumph at Wembley in 2024.

A leading Rembrandt scholar, Gary Schwartz, has concluded that a portrait titled 'Old Man with a Gold Chain' and dated to the early 1630s is, in fact, an authentic work by the 17th-century Dutch master. The painting, which has been on loan from Sir Francis Newman, a Cambridge-based entrepreneur, has been reunited with its counterpart at the Art Institute of Chicago.Each of the paintings depicts an older man wearing a gold chain and a plumed hat. For almost four centuries, the two portraits have been separated, with the Chicago version considered the undisputed original. The Newman portrait, slightly smaller and painted on canvas, was previously labelled as a 'copy' by an artist in Rembrandt's workshop.However, Schwartz's research suggests that both paintings are by Rembrandt. He argues that the quality of the brushwork and the practice of Dutch artists creating replicas of their own paintings support this conclusion. In 1699, a French contemporary of Rembrandt noted that it was common for Dutch artists to repeat their works.X-ray and infrared imaging of the Chicago picture revealed underdrawing and adjustments to the man's costume, which were absent from the Newman canvas. This led Schwartz to conclude that the Newman painting was not a workshop reproduction but an original work by Rembrandt.The Hamilton Kerr Institute at the University of Cambridge found that the UK version's canvas and colour pigments matched those used by Rembrandt and his studio. If confirmed as a Rembrandt, the painting will go to a museum, according to Newman.