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At a Pentagon briefing, Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth asserted that Iran’s request for a temporary cease‑fire was a direct result of the United States’ intensive air campaign, which he described as having reduced Iran’s weapons factories to rubble and rendered its military ineffective for years to come. Hegseth, standing beside Joint Chiefs Chairman Dan Caine, said the final wave of strikes before President Donald Trump announced a two‑week pause had completely destroyed Iran’s defense industrial base. While Iran can still fire from existing stockpiles, it can no longer replace lost munitions, according to the secretary. President Trump posted on Truth Social that he had agreed to suspend hostilities less than two hours before his self‑imposed deadline to “decimate the entirety of Iranian civilization.” The decision followed a last‑minute diplomatic push by Pakistan’s Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif and army chief Gen Asim Munir. Iran’s foreign minister Abbas Araghchi confirmed Tehran’s acceptance of the pause, and the country’s supreme national security council announced it would send a delegation to Islamabad for formal talks starting Friday. Both sides claimed victory: Iran’s security council said it had achieved “nearly all the objectives of the war,” while the United States highlighted the crippling of Iran’s military capabilities. The cease‑fire ends a conflict that began on 28 February, when the U.S. and Israel launched nearly 900 strikes in a 12‑hour window against Iranian military infrastructure, missile sites, and leadership. The opening day saw the death of Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, with his son Mojtaba Khamenei named successor on 8 March. Hegseth warned that the United States had prepared additional strikes on Iran’s power plants, bridges and energy infrastructure—targets he said Iran could not defend or rebuild for decades—if Tehran had refused the pause. According to Joint Chiefs Chairman Caine, 13 U.S. service members were killed during the fighting. Total casualties across the region exceed 5,000, including over 1,600 Iranian civilians and at least 1,497 deaths in Lebanon. By the sixth day of the war, U.S. military spending had reached roughly $12.7 billion, with a pending supplemental request of $200 billion before Congress. The future of a lasting settlement remains uncertain. Trump later announced that Iran would hand over its enriched uranium and cease all enrichment activities, while Iran’s supreme national security council released a 10‑point counter‑proposal that explicitly demands the right to continue enrichment. Disagreements also persist over the cease‑fire’s scope. Israel maintains that the pause does not apply to Lebanon, where ground and air campaigns are at their most intense since Israel’s northern invasion. Both Pakistan and Iran, however, have stated that Lebanon is included in the cease‑fire. Subsequent reports indicated Iranian missile and drone attacks on Kuwait and the United Arab Emirates, as well as strikes on Iran’s oil infrastructure on Lavan Island. Iran’s supreme national security council warned that its forces remain on high alert, stating, “our hands are on the trigger, and any mistake by the enemy will be met with full force.” When asked about the long‑term U.S. presence in the region, Hegseth replied unequivocally: “We’re not going anywhere.”

President Donald Trump issued a stark warning that the United States would eradicate Iran’s “civilisation” unless the regime reopens the Strait of Hormuz and complies with his demands. The statement, posted on his Truth Social account less than twelve hours before the self‑imposed deadline, declared that a whole civilisation could die “tonight, never to be brought back again.” Trump set the cutoff for compliance at 8 p.m. Washington time (00:00 GMT) on Tuesday, framing the moment as a decisive point in what he called a long‑standing struggle against Iranian extortion and corruption. For more than two weeks, the president has threatened to strike Iran’s civilian infrastructure—bridges, power stations, roads and other non‑military assets—if his terms are not met. Legal analysts have warned that such actions would constitute a war crime under international law. “It’s horrific. It’s pure evil. It’s disqualifying,” said Yasmine Taeb, legislative and political director of MPower Change Action Fund, condemning the president’s rhetoric as that of “a deranged, unstable madman.” She called for a stronger response from both U.S. lawmakers and the global community. Democratic leaders reacted forcefully. Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer labeled Trump “an extremely sick person,” while House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries urged Republican colleagues to “put patriotic duty over party and stop the madness,” warning that the conflict could spiral into a world war. Representative Rashida Tlaib suggested invoking the 25th Amendment to remove Trump, citing the recent bombing of a school in Minab that killed over 170 children. Congressional attempts to curb the president’s war powers have stalled; a recent resolution to limit his authority failed to pass, leaving the legal basis for the campaign in question. Critics argue that launching a military operation without congressional approval violates the U.S. Constitution, which reserves the declaration of war to Congress. Republican reactions were muted. Representative Mike Lawler downplayed the threat, stating that any strikes would target only Iran’s energy and civilian infrastructure to cripple the regime’s economy, and affirmed that Trump is acting within his constitutional authority as commander‑in‑chief. The conflict, which began on February 28 when the United States and Israel allegedly killed Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei and other senior officials, has already claimed more than 2,000 lives, including civilians in schools, residential blocks and medical facilities. Iran’s retaliatory rocket and drone attacks have hit Israeli and U.S. assets across the Middle East, while Iranian forces have blocked the Strait of Hormuz, driving global energy prices higher. Despite the heavy toll, Iran’s governing structure appears intact, bolstered by the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, designated by the United States as a terrorist organization. No major defections or anti‑government protests have emerged, and Khamenei’s son, Mojtaba Khamenei, has assumed a leading role. Trump, while maintaining a hardline stance, left a narrow window for diplomacy, suggesting that “maybe something revolutionary wonderful can happen.” He framed the deadline as “one of the most important moments in the long and complex history of the world,” promising that “47 years of extortion, corruption, and death will finally end.” Vice President J.D. Vance echoed the president’s message, warning Iran that the United States possesses additional, undisclosed tools and will employ them if Tehran does not alter its conduct, emphasizing the U.S. desire for free flow of oil and gas.

Iran has issued a threat to close the Bab al-Mandeb shipping route, a vital waterway connecting the Red Sea to the Gulf of Aden, in response to escalating tensions with the US. Ali Akbar Velayati, a top adviser to Supreme Leader Mojtaba Khamenei, warned that Iranian allies could shut the route, similar to Iran's effective closure of the Strait of Hormuz.The Bab al-Mandeb is a crucial passage for global oil trade, with 4.1 billion barrels of crude oil and refined petroleum products passing through it in 2024, accounting for 5% of the global total. A closure of both the Bab al-Mandeb and the Strait of Hormuz would block 25% of the world's oil and gas supply.The strait is effectively controlled by the Iran-backed Houthis, who have already demonstrated their ability to disrupt shipping in the region. During Israel's conflict in Gaza, the Houthis blocked the Bab al-Mandeb for ships associated with Israel or the US.A closure of the Bab al-Mandeb would have significant implications for global trade, particularly for Saudi Arabia's oil exports to Asia and global container shipping from China, India, and other Asian countries to Europe. It could also exacerbate the ongoing global energy supply crisis.Experts warn that a blockade of the Bab al-Mandeb would create a 'nightmare scenario,' disrupting trade toward Europe and potentially leading to a broader conflict in the region.

President Donald Trump told Fox News host Trey Yingst that the United States had dispatched a substantial cache of firearms to Iranian protesters, routing them through Kurdish groups. He said, “We sent them a lot of guns. We sent them to the Kurds,” and added that the Kurds likely kept the weapons. This admission lends weight to Tehran’s long‑standing narrative that the December‑January demonstrations were not spontaneous but were driven by “foreign‑backed terrorists.” Iran’s Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei has repeatedly blamed the United States and Israel for hijacking the economic unrest that began on December 28, when Tehran shopkeepers protested the plunging rial. The protests quickly spread nationwide, drawing hundreds of thousands onto the streets. Rights groups and the United Nations report that at least 5,000 people were killed, with some estimates suggesting the death toll could rise to 20,000. The crackdown also saw thousands arrested and an internet blackout imposed to conceal the violence. As the US‑Israel war on Iran entered its 38th day, official tallies record 2,076 deaths and over 26,000 injuries across the country. Despite Trump’s statements, several Kurdish opposition groups have categorically denied receiving any U.S. weapons. A senior official of the Democratic Party of Iranian Kurdistan (KDPI) told Iraqi broadcaster Rudaw that the claims were “baseless,” noting that their armaments are decades‑old and sourced locally. The Komala Party issued a similar denial. Analysts caution that Trump’s remarks are difficult to verify. Neil Quilliam of the United Kingdom’s Chatham House said the comments “reveal nothing material” and may reflect Trump’s personal rhetoric more than concrete policy. Nonetheless, such statements could undermine the cohesion of Iranian opposition groups and influence international perceptions of the conflict. In the broader geopolitical context, the United States has framed its February 28 strikes—carried out jointly with Israel—as a response to Iran’s nuclear program and as a means to “free” Iranians from the Islamic Republic’s repression. Trump linked the military action directly to the protests, claiming Tehran had “killed tens of thousands of its own citizens on the street as they protested.” While Kurdish factions continue to advocate for peaceful, civil protest methods, the U.S. and Israeli governments have not yet committed to ground operations in Iran. Opposition Democrats in the U.S. Congress remain skeptical of any escalation involving troops. Overall, Trump’s confirmation of arms shipments adds a new layer to the already complex narrative surrounding the Iranian protests, the US‑Israel military campaign, and the broader struggle for influence in the region.

The United States has revoked the permanent residency of two women identified as relatives of the late Quds Force commander Qassem Soleimani, the former head of Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps foreign arm.According to a State Department statement released on Saturday, Hamideh Soleimani Afshar—Soleimani’s niece—and her daughter were arrested on Friday night and are now in the custody of Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), which is seeking their removal from the country.The decision has sparked a debate over the limits of free‑speech protections in the United States and whether family members should be penalised for the actions or affiliations of their relatives.In its release, the State Department described Afshar as “an outspoken supporter of the totalitarian, terrorist regime in Iran,” adding that such rhetoric would not be tolerated under the Trump administration. The statement read: “The Trump Administration will not allow our country to become a home for foreign nationals who support anti‑American terrorist regimes.”Iranian media, however, quoted Afshar’s daughter, Zeinab Soleimani, who denied any connection to the late Quds Force leader, stating, “The individuals arrested in the United States have no connection whatsoever to martyr Soleimani, and the claim made by the US State Department is false.”The arrests occur at the five‑week mark of the U.S.‑Israel war on Iran, which began on February 28, 2026.This is the second known instance this month that the Trump administration has stripped legal immigration status from individuals allegedly linked to senior Iranian figures.Secretary of State Marco Rubio took to social media to claim credit for the action, writing, “This week, I terminated both Afshar and her daughter’s legal status.” He added that Afshar had “celebrated attacks on Americans and referred to our country as the ‘Great Satan.’”The State Department also highlighted Afshar’s “lavish lifestyle” in Los Angeles and noted that her husband has been barred from entering the United States.Similar pressure was applied earlier this month to Fatemeh Ardeshir‑Larijani, the daughter of the late Iranian official Ali Larijani. Both she and her husband, Seyed Kalantar Motamedi, had their U.S. immigration status revoked and were prohibited from re‑entering the country. Larijani, a former head of Iran’s Supreme National Security Council, was killed in an Israeli airstrike on March 17.The moves reflect growing influence from conservative politicians and activists demanding the expulsion of individuals with familial ties to Iran’s leadership.Far‑right influencer and Trump ally Laura Loomer claimed she had reported Afshar to the State Department and thanked Rubio, calling the removal a “big scalp.” An online petition on Change.org, launched two months ago, had already gathered more than 4,000 signatures calling for Afshar’s deportation.Ardeshir‑Larijani, who previously worked in oncology at Emory University’s School of Medicine, became a target of protests after Iran’s crackdown on anti‑government demonstrators in December and January. A separate Change.org petition demanding her deportation amassed 157,017 signatures by Saturday.The petition emphasized her familial links to Iran’s Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, who was killed on the first day of the war, arguing that while she lives peacefully in the U.S., “countless young Iranians are dying in Iran due to the policies and decisions made by Ali Khamenei and his inner circle, including her father.”U.S. Congressman Earl “Buddy” Carter of Georgia echoed the call, urging that Ardeshir‑Larijani’s medical license be revoked. He wrote, “America’s medical institutions must not serve as a safe harbor for individuals connected by blood and loyalty to regimes that openly call for the death of Americans.”According to Emory’s student newspaper, The Emory Wheel, Ardeshir‑Larijani was no longer employed by the university as of January.

Indonesia formally received the coffins of three United Nations peacekeepers who lost their lives in southern Lebanon as Israel intensified its invasion, a development that underscores the expanding regional fallout of the US‑Israel war on Iran. On Saturday, uniformed officers carried the bodies into a solemn ceremony attended by President Prabowo Subianto. Following the tribute, Foreign Minister Sugiono urged a comprehensive UN inquiry into the fatalities, stressing that "incidents like this should not happen" and calling for a security guarantee for peacekeeping troops. The three soldiers—Farizal Rhomadhon (28), Zulmi Aditya Iskandar (33) and Muhammad Nur Ichwan (26)—were members of the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL). Rhomadhon was killed when a projectile, later attributed by a UN source to fire from an Israeli tank, detonated near his position. A day later, Iskandar and Ichwan perished in an explosion that struck a UNIFIL logistics convoy. Family members expressed deep sorrow. Iskandar’s father, Iskandarudin (60), told reporters from West Java that the loss was especially painful because the troops were deployed for peace, not combat. The government announced that the trio will be interred on Sunday and pledged financial assistance to their families, reflecting Indonesia’s commitment to support the bereaved. In a related incident, UNIFIL reported that three additional peacekeepers were wounded in a blast at a facility near Adeisse; the cause of that explosion remains unidentified, though the injured were confirmed to be Indonesian. Indonesia’s foreign ministry has called on the UN Security Council to convene an urgent meeting of troop‑contributing nations to review and strengthen protection measures for UNIFIL personnel. The tragedy occurs against the backdrop of a broader conflict: the US‑Israel offensive against Iran has spilled into Lebanon after Hezbollah, aligned with Tehran, launched rockets following the assassination of Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei on 28 February. Israeli forces have been bombarding Lebanon for weeks, aiming to establish a 30 km (≈18.6 mi) security zone along the border. Key takeaway: The loss of Indonesian peacekeepers highlights the heightened risks faced by UN missions in volatile theaters and intensifies calls for stronger international safeguards amid escalating Middle‑East hostilities.

At the start of 2026 Pakistan was sitting on a surplus of imported liquefied natural gas (LNG). Three consecutive years of falling demand – from a peak of 8.2 million tonnes in 2021 to 6.1 million tonnes by late 2025 – were driven by cheap solar panels and reduced industrial activity. The government responded by quietly selling excess cargoes abroad and shutting down domestic wells to avoid over‑pressurising pipelines. Any gas that could not be diverted would have been pushed into household networks at a loss, adding billions to the sector’s crippling debt. Everything changed on 28 February when the United States and Israel launched the "Epic Fury" operation against Iran. The strikes killed Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei and targeted missile sites, air defences and military infrastructure. Iran retaliated with hundreds of missiles and drones, choking traffic through the Strait of Hormuz – a chokepoint for roughly 20 % of global oil and gas. As part of its retaliation, Iranian drones hit Qatar’s Ras Laffan Industrial City on 2 March, the world’s largest LNG export hub. Qatar, the second‑largest LNG exporter after the United States, declared force majeure and halted all production, releasing it from contractual delivery obligations. The fallout was immediate. Qatar’s forced shutdown cut its LNG output by 17 % and disrupted the supply chain that fuels Pakistan, which sources almost all of its imported gas from Qatar and the United Arab Emirates. Pakistan’s LNG arrivals plummeted from 12 shipments in January to just two in March. Monthly cargo data from the Oil and Gas Regulatory Authority (OGRA) show that the country received between eight and twelve shipments a month through 2025, but only two arrived after the conflict began. Price pressure followed. On 13 February state‑owned Pakistan State Oil and Pakistan LNG Limited bought eight cargoes at an average of $10.47 per MMBtu (totaling $257.1 million). By 12 March the two cargoes that did arrive cost $12.49 per MMBtu – a 19 % increase in just one month. Long‑term contracts have left Pakistan with little flexibility. Two government‑to‑government agreements with Qatar, spanning 15 and 10 years, commit the country to nine shipments a month. Even as domestic demand fell – LNG’s share of Asian markets dropped from ~30 % in 2020 to ~18 % in 2025 – the contracts remained binding. Solarisation has been a double‑edged sword. By 2025 Pakistan installed 34 GW of solar capacity, with about 25 GW feeding the national grid, driving an 11 % decline in overall electricity demand between 2022 and 2025. Gas‑fired power plants built for imported LNG are now under‑utilised, especially during daylight hours. Analysts warn that the surplus was predictable. “Pakistan’s energy planning has been locked into long‑term contracts with little room for adjustment,” says Haneea Isaad of the Institute for Energy Economics and Financial Analysis (IEEFA). The resulting circular debt now stands at 3.3 trillion rupees (≈ $11 billion), and the government is negotiating to off‑load 177 unwanted shipments worth $5.6 billion through 2031. With Qatar’s LNG shipments effectively halted, the country faces a potential shortfall of more than 21 % of its power generation capacity. The National Electric Power Regulatory Authority confirmed that LNG supplies are under force majeure, while coal imports from South Africa and Indonesia continue. To mitigate the gap, Pakistan is reviving domestic gas production that had been throttled during the surplus period. Roughly 350–400 million cubic feet per day of domestic gas were previously held back for LNG imports, now being released to the grid. Nevertheless, analysts caution that even with restored domestic gas, imported coal and hydropower, “the energy shortage may persist, especially during the peak summer months.” Summer pressure is already building. The State of Industry Report 2025 recorded peak electricity demand of over 33,000 MW last summer, while winter demand sits around 15,000 MW, helped by solar generation of 9,000–10,000 MW daily. Furnace oil, the primary backup fuel, now costs 35 rupees per unit (≈ $0.12), more than double since the Strait of Hormuz disruption. Consumers with grid electricity face higher bills and possible outages; industrial users reliant on gas risk production cuts; those equipped with rooftop solar and battery storage are best insulated. “Returning to the spot market is unlikely given Pakistan’s dire financial position, and competing with wealthier nations would price the country out,” Isaad warns. “The realistic outcome may be planned load‑shedding of two to three hours daily.”

Iranian footballer Mona Hamoudi had one ambition when she boarded the flight to Australia for the Women’s Asian Cup: to play well. However, the tournament became a test of her skills, patience, and ability to make difficult decisions under enormous pressure.Hamoudi, a 32-year-old midfielder, was part of the Iranian national squad that travelled to Australia in early March. The trip unravelled into one of the most scrutinised episodes in the history of Iranian women’s sport. The squad had remained silent during the national anthem ahead of their Asia Cup opener against South Korea on March 2, two days after the United States and Israel went to war with Iran and killed Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei.Their silence was perceived by some as a protest against the Iranian government, and Iran’s state television branded the women as “traitors”. The players sang the anthem at their next two matches, but fears for their safety grew further after it was reported in the media that they were being monitored by Iranian government and football officials.Following Iran’s elimination at the group stage, five players – Hamoudi among them – claimed asylum and were granted humanitarian visas by the Australian authorities. However, after the rest of the squad left Australia on March 10, five of the seven later reversed course and said they would return to Iran – including Hamoudi.Hamoudi and teammate Zahra Sarbali describe the decision to return to Iran as inseparable from a sense of duty; to family, teammates, and “national obligation”, rather than a purely free choice made in calm and safety. They faced harassment and constant following from media and social media, and the expectations and pressure from the Iranian-Australian community.The journey back to Tehran was marked by fear and tension, with the media attention that had followed them throughout the tournament only intensifying once they were back in Iran. The football federation offered formal support, and the players appeared on national television after their return and resumed training as normal.On March 19, the team were met in Tehran with a hero’s welcome from the public, with several thousand people gathering in Valiasr Square, many holding Iranian flags. However, fears remain over the consequences for their careers and how their every future action might be interpreted.Maryam Irandoust, a former head coach of the Iranian women’s national team, said these experiences will carry a psychological weight onto the pitch, directly affecting performances in training and in matches. Adel Ferdosipour, a veteran Iranian sports journalist, warned that any punishment of the players could deter future footballers from representing Iran.

Iraq is facing a balancing act as the US-Israeli war on Iran exposes deep divisions within the country. The conflict has highlighted the divisions between those who view the attacks on Iran as a means to end Tehran's longstanding influence over Iraqi politics and those who are loyal to the Islamic republic. The war has struck Iraq during a precarious power vacuum, following the stepping aside of caretaker leader Mohammed Shia al-Sudani, whose coalition won the largest share of seats in November's parliamentary elections. This power vacuum has exacerbated tensions, with factions from the Islamic Resistance in Iraq, an umbrella body of Iran-backed armed groups, vowing to drag the US into a long war of attrition. The group has claimed responsibility for numerous drone and missile attacks on targets in Iraq and neighboring countries, including the US base in Erbil and the city's international airport. In response, unclaimed airstrikes attributed to US and Israeli forces have hit positions across the country, killing several commanders and fighters. Iraqi leaders are attempting to maintain a balancing act, denouncing the killing of Iran's supreme leader Ali Khamenei while rejecting attempts by Tehran to draw Iraq into the conflict. However, this balancing act is complicated by the fact that pro-Iran groups are also members of the Popular Mobilisation Units (PMU), a sprawling institution that operates with its own agenda. The conflict has significant implications for Iraq's stability and economy, with a looming financial disaster hanging over the country due to the crisis over the strait of Hormuz and the loss of oil revenue. The US pressure and threat of sanctions have forced some members of the pro-Iran Shia alliance in Iraq's parliament to distance themselves from more militant factions. The killing of Hassan Nasrallah, the leader of Hezbollah, has also had a profound impact on the Iraqi resistance factions, which have struggled to respond effectively to the recent war. The insider close to the pro-Iran factions noted that the killing of Nasrallah has affected the Iraqi resistance factions more than the killing of Khamenei, as Nasrallah had a direct appeal to many commanders.