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Tori Amos has taken to the stage, delivering a dramatic deep dive into her vast and sprawling back catalogue. Her 18th studio album, In Times of Dragons, and first tour in three years have generated significant excitement among fans. The allegorical tales that make up her forthcoming record – a metaphorical story about the fight for democracy over tyranny – are evident in her live performances.The concert featured a range of tracks from Amos's extensive discography, including the delicate deep cut Ruby Through the Looking-Glass and the atmospheric, slow-burn jazzy grooves of Little Amsterdam. The love in the room for Amos is palpable, with her songs, voice, and masterful piano playing bringing out an almost devotional following.Amos's musicianship was on full display, accompanied by a drummer, bass player, and three backing singers, whom she refers to as 'angels.' While their presence occasionally detracted from the raw intimacy expected from Amos, it mostly elevated the performance to new levels. Tracks such as Pandora's Aquarium and Witness were lifted to stirring new heights by the vocal back and forth.The setlist may not have been hit-stuffed, but Crucify was a beautiful closer, delivered in a way that felt both tight and loose, detailed yet expansive, tender and rousing. The encore of early career favourite Cornflake Girl had the whole venue on its feet and in dizzy awe. As Amos navigates the brutal state of the world, she has an audience that will gladly follow her deep into the heart of any dragon's den.

Event details: The heavyweight showdown between Tyson Fury and Arslanbek Makhmudov is scheduled for Saturday, 11 April 2026. The main card will tip‑off at 19:00 GMT, with the headline bout slated for just after 22:00 GMT at the Tottenham Hotspur Stadium in London. The fight will be streamed live on Netflix, while Al Jazeera will provide a text‑based live commentary starting at 18:00 GMT. Fury, the 37‑year‑old former two‑time world champion, returns after a 15‑month hiatus following consecutive defeats to Oleksandr Usyk. His professional record stands at 34‑2‑1 with 24 knockouts, and he towers at 206 cm (6 ft 9 in) with a 216 cm reach. Makhmudov, a 36‑year‑old Dagestani‑born Canadian resident, holds a 21‑2‑0 record, 19 of those wins by KO, measures 198 cm (6 ft 6 in) and has a 194 cm reach. The bout is billed as a 12‑round heavyweight clash, offering Fury a chance to rebuild his résumé and potentially earn a high‑profile encounter with fellow Briton Anthony Joshua. Makhmudov, however, is far from a tune‑up opponent; 90 % of his victories have come by knockout, and he has demonstrated power against seasoned fighters such as Dave Allen and Carlos Takam. Fury’s perspective: In a recent BBC interview, the “Gypsy King” said he feels “as good as I’ve ever felt” and is “as sharp as I’ve ever been,” emphasizing the need to be at peak form to survive Makhmudov’s single‑punch knockout power. He added that a win would pave the way for a long‑desired showdown with Joshua. Makhmudov’s outlook: The Dagestani fighter described Fury as a “legend” and expressed confidence in his ability to win, noting that the contest will test both mental and spiritual strengths. He hinted at a philosophical edge, saying, “It’s a war between mind and spirit – Inshallah the spirit wins.” Beyond the headline fight, the co‑main event will feature Conor Benn versus Regis Prograis** at 21:30 GMT, marking Benn’s first bout under Zuffa Boxing after parting ways with Matchroom. The British heavyweight title will be defended by Jeamie Tshikeva against Richard Riakporhe**, while Frazer Clarke meets Justis Huni** in a heavyweight clash. Preliminary action includes middleweight, light‑welterweight and flyweight contests, rounding out a full card designed to keep fans engaged throughout the evening. Personal drama adds intrigue: Fury’s father, “Big John” Fury, who has been a vocal presence in his son’s career, is reportedly absent after a recent fallout, though Tyson downplays the impact, stating that the crowd’s composition is irrelevant to his focus. Overall, the London event promises a high‑stakes narrative – a veteran champion seeking redemption, a rising knockout artist eager to cement his status, and a potential pathway to a blockbuster British heavyweight showdown later in the year.

Djibouti, a one‑million‑strong nation perched on the Bab al‑Mandeb Strait, is set to hold its presidential election on April 10. All signs point to incumbent Ismail Omar Guelleh securing a sixth term with little genuine opposition. The country’s strategic location—linking the Red Sea to the Gulf of Aden—makes it a linchpin for global trade and a magnet for foreign military installations. The United States, France, China, Italy and Japan all maintain bases there, earning Djibouti the reputation of hosting the highest concentration of overseas military sites. Officially, Djibouti recognizes French and Arabic, while Somali and Afar are widely spoken among the two main ethnic groups, which together comprise roughly 95% of the population. Islam is practiced by about 94% of residents, and the Djiboutian franc remains the national currency. According to the International Foundation for Electoral Systems, 243,471 citizens—about a quarter of the population—are registered to vote, up from roughly 215,000 in the 2021 poll. Historical turnout averages around 67%. IGAD’s eight‑nation bloc has dispatched 17 observers from Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia, South Sudan and Uganda to monitor the process, with a post‑vote statement slated for April 12. Ismail Omar Guelleh, 78, leads the ruling People’s Rally for Progress. After parliament lifted the 75‑year age ceiling in November and abolished term limits back in 2010, Guelleh is now eligible for another term. Critics label his rule as authoritarian, yet they also acknowledge the relative stability he has maintained in a volatile region. Guelleh’s administration has turned Djibouti’s lack of natural resources into a revenue engine by signing infrastructure deals with China and leasing military facilities to Western powers. In 2017, Finance Minister Ilyas Dawaleh estimated that the bases generate roughly $125 million annually, with the United States contributing nearly half of that sum. The U.S. installation, Camp Lemonnier, remains the only permanent American base on the continent. The sole challenger, Mohamed Farah Samatar, runs under the Unified Democratic Centre after breaking away from the ruling party. His campaign slogan—“another Djibouti is possible”—has resonated only modestly, and observers such as Horn‑of‑Africa expert Sonia le Gouriellec describe the contest as a “token competition”. Human‑rights advocates echo this sentiment, calling the election a “masquerade” and a foregone conclusion. Key issues dominate the discourse. Democratic freedoms have eroded; opposition parties have boycotted elections since 2016, and Guelleh captured over 90% of the vote in 2021. The country ranks 168th out of 180 in the 2025 Reporters Without Borders press‑freedom index, and allegations of corruption and nepotism persist, including speculation that Guelleh’s stepson, Naguib Abdallah Kamil, is being groomed for succession. Economically, Djibouti’s reliance on Chinese financing is creating fiscal strain. By 2026 the nation owed China roughly $1.2 billion in loans, prompting the IMF to label its debt profile “in distress and unsustainable”. Massive infrastructure projects—most notably a railway to Ethiopia—have failed to curb poverty, with 73% of the youth unemployed. The country’s lifeline is its port system, which handles virtually all of Ethiopia’s maritime trade, amounting to about $2 billion in annual revenue. Ethiopia’s recent flirtation with a Somaliland port deal threatened Djibouti’s monopoly, though a Turkey‑mediated agreement in late 2024 redirected Ethiopia toward a “reliable and sustainable” sea corridor with Somalia. In sum, the upcoming election is less about a competitive political showdown and more about reaffirming a status quo that intertwines Djibouti’s geopolitical leverage, foreign‑military income, and mounting debt challenges.

Liverpool has confirmed that Andy Robertson will be leaving the club at the end of the season. The 32-year-old Scottish defender has been an integral part of the team since joining from Hull in 2017 for £8m.Robertson has made 373 appearances for Liverpool, winning two Premier League titles, the Champions League, the FA Cup, two League Cups, the Club World Cup, and the UEFA Super Cup. He has been a key player under Jürgen Klopp and has established himself as one of the club's greatest full-backs.The Scotland captain has lost his regular starting role to Milos Kerkez this season but remains a popular figure in the dressing room. Robertson has expressed his gratitude to the club, stating, “It’s never easy leaving a club like Liverpool. It has been a huge part of mine and my family’s life for the last nine years.”Liverpool has hailed Robertson as “a genuine Liverpool legend, having played a fundamental role in the successes of recent years.” The club has announced that celebrations of Robertson's legacy will be held after the conclusion of the campaign, with the defender fully focused on helping the team end the season successfully.

The ceasefire deal between Iran and the US has been hailed as a significant achievement for China, which has been actively working to promote de-escalation and an end to hostilities in the region. Beijing's powerbrokers are being credited with pushing Iran towards agreeing to the ceasefire, bolstering its status as a regional mediator.In China's tightly censored domestic media, articles basking in the glory of China being the grown-up in the room at a time of international crisis were allowed to circulate. China's role in the negotiations was confirmed by US President Donald Trump, who told the Agence France-Presse news agency that he believed China had got Iran to agree to a ceasefire.However, some analysts are sceptical about how influential China could actually have been in the late-night discussions. The deal is advantageous to Iran, and encouraging the regime to agree to it would have been like 'pushing an open door', according to one analyst. Nicholas Lyall, a senior researcher at Trends, a research and advisory firm in Abu Dhabi, said: 'In terms of whether China had to do much pushing of Iran for it to agree to the temporary ceasefire, and whether Iran was swayed by this reported Chinese effort, it's essential to clarify what Iran has actually agreed to.'Officially, China has not confirmed or denied reports that it played an active role in the Islamabad negotiations. At a press conference on Wednesday, the foreign ministry spokesperson Mao Ning said only that China 'had been actively working to promote de-escalation and an end to all hostilities'. China's economic interests are also at stake, as the risk of a global recession and soaring fossil fuel prices poses a threat to the Chinese economy, which is heavily dependent on exports.Analysts are even more sceptical of the idea that China might act as the guarantor of any ceasefire agreement in the Middle East. Song Bo, a fellow at the Center for International Security and Strategy at Tsinghua University, said: 'China doesn't have a direct stake with any of the parties in the Middle East. Acting as a guarantor for a ceasefire would be an extremely high-cost diplomatic undertaking, and I don't think China would commit to that easily.'

The New Economics Foundation (NEF) has proposed that the UK government provide subsidized energy to all households, funded through North Sea tax revenues. The plan would ensure that every household receives a set amount of energy at current rates, helping to protect the poorest households from rising energy costs.According to NEF, providing enough energy to heat two rooms, provide hot water, and run key appliances like a fridge and washing machine at frozen rates would require a subsidy of about £4.5bn. This amount is roughly equal to the expected windfall in tax revenues from the North Sea, generated by the high price of oil.The proposed measure, known as a price guarantee, would save all households more than £160 on their annual bills. However, this would amount to a saving of about 17% for those on low incomes compared with 11% for wealthier people. NEF argues that this would encourage those who can afford to pay to reduce their energy consumption and invest in energy-efficient measures.Alex Chapman, a senior economist at NEF, stated that similar measures have been successfully implemented in countries like Japan, South Korea, China, and India, as well as several European countries. He emphasized the need for the government to protect households' ability to meet their essential energy needs and to tax energy companies on their windfall profits.The energy cap is expected to rise by about £388 in July and could reach nearly £2,000 a year for dual-fuel households. NEF's proposal aims to mitigate the impact of rising energy costs on vulnerable households.

In a shocking escalation of violence, civilians in Gaza's Maghazi camp were caught in the crossfire as rival armed groups clashed, leaving 10 people dead and 44 injured. The incident occurred on Monday, with eyewitnesses describing scenes of panic and chaos as armed men stormed homes and a school run by the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees (UNRWA).The violence began when armed groups approached from the direction of the "yellow line" that separates Palestinian and Israeli-controlled areas of Gaza. The groups, allegedly backed by Israeli forces, moved towards civilian homes and the Al-Maghazi Preparatory Boys School, which is sheltering large numbers of displaced people.Residents reported that the armed men, who identified themselves as the "Popular Forces combating terrorism", a rival group to Hamas, broke into homes, detained family members, and used the houses as cover during the battle. The family of Asaad Nteel, who was caught up in the violence, described being ordered to gather in one room and not move, fearing harm to themselves and their children.The clashes, which lasted for over an hour and a half, caused extreme distress to residents, who do not support these groups. Local people claim the armed men were provided with cover and support by Israeli forces, with some eyewitnesses reporting the use of armed drones to aid the armed men's withdrawal.The Palestinian Centre for Human Rights has documented previous violence by these groups, including looting of aid convoys, kidnappings, torture, and killings, with cover or support from the Israeli army. The centre has called for an urgent independent investigation, accountability for those responsible, and effective protection for civilians.The incident has sparked widespread outrage on social media, with activists sharing videos documenting victims being transported to hospitals. The violence has also raised concerns about the emerging armed groups in Gaza, which appear to operate near areas along the "yellow line".Since the ceasefire between Israel and Hamas supposedly began on October 11, 733 Palestinians have been killed in Gaza, and 2,034 injured, in addition to 759 bodies recovered. The situation remains dire, with civilians continuing to bear the brunt of the conflict.

Assam, India – Under the sweltering April sun, Akram Ali stood amid the rubble of his four‑room house, a home he had built over 45 years ago. The demolition, part of a government‑led bulldozing operation on March 14, turned his residence into a pile of debris.Bulldozers descended on Islampur, a Muslim‑majority neighbourhood on the outskirts of Guwahati, and for four hours razed homes across 177 hectares (437 acres). The sweep rendered 400 families homeless, including Ali, who now lives in a tarpaulin shanty a few kilometres from his former home.Ali, a daily‑wage worker, told Al Jazeera that despite identifying as Goriya – “son of the soil” – his house was destroyed. The Goriyas are an Assamese‑speaking Muslim community traditionally settled in the tea‑belt region. In 2022, the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) officially recognised the Goriya, along with four other Muslim sub‑groups, as “Indigenous” to Assam.While this designation has afforded the Indigenous Muslims a degree of cultural safety, it has not shielded them from the state’s aggressive land‑clearance drives. Ali questioned the distinction, asking, “Weren’t our homes demolished because we are Muslims?”Muslims make up more than a third of Assam’s 31 million residents, according to the 2011 census. Of these, roughly 6.3 million are Bengali‑speaking “miyas,” often labelled “outsiders,” while about 4 million belong to Indigenous groups like the Goriya.The BJP, led nationally by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, has been courting the Indigenous Muslim vote ahead of the April 2026 state elections, where it seeks a third consecutive term after governing since 2016. Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma, who has spearheaded the party’s crackdown on “miyas” since 2021, claims the government will “never target” Indigenous Muslims.Political analyst Bonojit Hussain explains that the BJP’s outreach serves two purposes: softening its communal image and capturing decisive vote blocks in constituencies where Indigenous Muslims and Hindus together decide the outcome. In seats such as Nalbari, where Indigenous Muslims account for over 25 % of the electorate, and Barkhetri, with roughly 80,000 Muslim voters, the community’s support can swing the result.Upper Assam, a region with a strong Assamese‑speaking identity, is especially critical. Journalist Firoz Khan notes that Indigenous Muslims influence the outcome in seven or eight of the 39 seats there, prompting the BJP to temper its overtly anti‑Muslim rhetoric in the area.Despite the party’s overtures, many Indigenous Muslims remain skeptical. Moinul Islam, spokesperson for the rights group Sadou Asom Goria Jatiya Parishad, warned that the BJP’s broader anti‑Muslim policies—evictions, voter‑list objections, and alleged deportations—are unlikely to win their votes.Earlier in 2025, similar demolition drives displaced hundreds of Goriya families in Lakhimpur and Golaghat districts, and a systematic campaign to challenge Muslim names on electoral rolls further strained relations.BJP spokesman Kishore Upadhyay dismissed the allegations as “malicious, biased and politically motivated,” but Indigenous groups argue the pattern signals an attempt to erase their cultural legacy.Recent actions by the state government reinforce this perception. Chief Minister Sarma renamed the only medical college in Barpeta—previously bearing the name of Goriya freedom fighter Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed—arguing that institutions should reflect their geographic location. Critics view the move as symbolic of a broader effort to marginalise Muslim contributions to Assam’s history.In December 2025, Sarma also proposed dropping the hyphen in “Sankar‑Azan,” a name that celebrated the syncretic legacy of 15th‑century polymath Srimanta Sankardev and 17th‑century Sufi saint Azan Peer. Communist Party member Isfaqur Rahman warned that such revisions reflect a “slow erasure of Assamese Muslim heritage.”For Ali, the demolition has hardened his political stance. “After being evicted, the chief minister called us illegal immigrants and broke our backs by destroying our homes,” he said. “We are the new miyas.”

In a revealing glimpse of the club’s ironclad exclusivity, a 2019 iMessage exchange shows Jeffrey Epstein pleading with Steve Bannon to secure a membership for Paul, Weiss partner Brad Karp. Bannon dismissed the request, describing Augusta’s governing families as "crackers" from the Old South who distrust lawyers and bankers, underscoring the club’s cultural gatekeeping. That anecdote illustrates a broader truth: money alone cannot buy entry to the Masters. Even former President Donald Trump has never been able to force his way onto the Augusta grounds, a rarity among high‑profile U.S. sporting events. Traditionally, most tickets are allocated to lifelong local patrons, a practice that has been frozen since the 1970s. The only official avenue for the public is an annual lottery, where the odds are so slim they make Tiger Woods’ chances of a sixth Green Jacket look generous. In practice, however, a lucrative secondary market emerged, with scalpers selling tickets for up to 50 times face value and operating just outside the 2,700‑foot anti‑scalping boundary mandated by Georgia law. Last year’s Masters turned into a "bloodbath" for the resale industry. An executive from a local hospitality firm reported that around 200 ticket holders were denied entry after the club began rigorously enforcing its anti‑scalping policy. Patrons were sometimes escorted to a room, asked for identification, and interrogated about how they obtained their tickets – a process likened to a police stop. According to insiders, the club’s four‑day tickets now contain RFID chips that allow staff to track each badge’s location nightly. The embedded barcodes allegedly store the buyer’s address, enabling staff to pinpoint resale activity. Some reports claim the club is even purchasing resale tickets en masse to uncover the identities of sellers, then sending a politely worded letter that permanently bans the recipient from the grounds. Ticket platforms have felt the impact. StubHub has introduced a new contract that makes sellers fully liable for any fees or charges if a buyer is turned away, while SeatGeek has ceased offering Masters tickets altogether. This decisive move by Augusta National signals a broader shift in how elite sports events manage secondary markets. Ultimately, the crackdown serves a dual purpose: protecting the club’s brand integrity and reinforcing its reputation as an institution that remains untouched by even the most powerful political figures. As the Masters approaches, the message is clear – the only way onto Augusta’s hallowed fairways is through its own tightly‑controlled channels, not through the influence of money, politics, or the resale trade.