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Sanaa, Yemen – At 7 a.m., 14‑year‑old Qasim wakes, grabs a one‑metre‑by‑half‑metre white sack and heads out to collect plastic bottles, hoping to fill it by 11:30 a.m. A full sack can bring in up to 1,500 Yemeni riyal (≈ $3), which the family uses for daily meals. When Qasim returns home, he can briefly be a child again, playing football with neighbours. By evening, his 12‑year‑old brother Asem takes over the bottle‑collecting, selling the haul at night to cover dinner costs. For the siblings, school is a luxury they cannot afford. "I was in fourth grade in 2024, but I stopped because I needed to help my family," Qasim told Al Jazeera, wiping his cheeks. "Sitting in a classroom would not feed me," he added. The conflict that began in 2014 between Iran‑backed Houthis and the Saudi‑backed government has devastated Yemen’s education system. UNICEF estimates that 3.2 million school‑aged children are out of school, with another 1.5 million displaced children at risk of permanent dropout. Even though a cease‑fire was declared in April 2022, the war’s economic fallout persists. During the fourth Riyadh International Humanitarian Forum, Yemen’s Minister of Planning Waed Badhib said the war has cost the national economy **over $250 billion** and pushed unemployment to **35 %**. Parents like Qasim’s father, 48‑year‑old daily‑wage worker Abdu, no longer see education as a viable path. "Seeing a hungry child hurts more than seeing a child drop out," he said, noting that many university graduates now work as construction guards or porters. Experts warn that this short‑term coping strategy harms long‑term prospects. Mahmoud al‑Bukari, a Taiz academic, explained that forcing children into work “creates further social and economic problems for both individuals and society.” Sociology professor Afrah al‑Humaiqani stressed that denying education violates children’s rights and breeds anxiety, undermining future economic development. Infrastructure damage compounds the crisis: more than 2,400 schools are destroyed, partially damaged, or repurposed (Save the Children). Remaining classrooms are overcrowded, and teachers—many unpaid for years—are demotivated, leading to a decline in teaching quality. Fatima Saleh, a teacher in Sanaa, described educators as the "engine" of learning. "When that engine falters, students lose interest and drop out," she said, noting that unpaid salaries force many teachers to quit or seek other work. Journalist Mohammed Abdu al‑Samei argues that the cease‑fire alone cannot revive education without addressing the underlying economic collapse. International aid has also dwindled, leaving a critical funding gap for programs that once kept children in school. For Qasim, returning to a classroom is no longer realistic. He now aims to acquire a trade—painting, carpentry, or welding—to earn a living, saying, "I will not return to the classroom, but I will learn a skill that helps my family."

New research indicates that individuals carrying the red‑hair allele have been evolutionary winners in Europe for more than 10,000 years. The study, led by Harvard scientists, examined DNA from nearly 16,000 ancient remains and over 6,000 living Europeans, providing robust proof that human biology continues to evolve long after farming began. Researchers identified 479 genetic variants that show clear signs of positive selection. Among these are genes linked to red hair and fair skin, as well as variants that affect susceptibility to coeliac disease, diabetes risk, baldness and rheumatoid arthritis. The authors suggest that the advantage of red hair may stem from its association with lighter skin, which enhances vitamin D synthesis in low‑sunlight environments—a crucial benefit for early European farmers. Prior to this work, only about 21 traits had been documented as having risen through natural selection, such as lactase persistence. The scarcity of earlier examples had led some to argue that directional selection was rare after modern humans left Africa. By leveraging an unprecedented volume of ancient genomic data and advanced computational methods, the team demonstrated that selection pressures intensified during the transition from hunter‑gatherer societies to agricultural ones, reshaping hundreds of genes across West Eurasia. "With these new techniques and the sheer scale of ancient DNA, we can now observe how selection sculpted our biology in near real‑time," said Dr. Ali Akbari, the study’s first author. Beyond vitamin D, the rise of certain disease‑related alleles poses intriguing puzzles. A mutation that heightens the risk of coeliac disease emerged around 4,000 years ago and has steadily increased, implying that carriers may have enjoyed other survival advantages despite the autoimmune threat. Similarly, the immune‑regulating gene TYK2, which markedly raises tuberculosis susceptibility, grew in frequency between 9,000 and 3,000 years ago before declining, hinting at a complex balance between pathogen defense and disease risk. The analysis also uncovered negative selection against genetic profiles that promote a high body‑fat percentage, supporting the classic “thrifty genes” hypothesis: traits advantageous for storing energy during scarce hunter‑gatherer periods became detrimental once agriculture ensured a steadier food supply. "This work lets us assign both place and time to the forces that have shaped us," noted Prof. David Reich, senior author and Harvard Medical School geneticist. While the findings are confined to West Eurasian populations, they raise broader questions about whether similar evolutionary dynamics occurred elsewhere. The full study appears in Nature.

President Donald Trump announced a 10‑day ceasefire for Lebanon on Thursday, a move hailed as urgently needed yet fraught with uncertainty. The pause follows a wave of Israeli attacks that, on "Black Wednesday," saw 100 strikes in ten minutes and left hundreds dead. Iran and Pakistan, acting as mediators, initially believed Lebanon fell under the scope of a prior U.S.–Israel–Iran truce. However, Israel’s subsequent offensive—including the destruction of the last bridge linking southern Lebanon to the rest of the country and a strike on a school—demonstrated a stark departure from that assumption. Casualty figures are grim: more than 2,100 people have been killed, among them at least 172 children, with thousands more injured. One in five Lebanese citizens are now displaced, many facing permanent uprooting as Israel reportedly erases entire villages, echoing tactics used in Gaza. Direct talks between Lebanon and Israel on Tuesday marked a "striking departure" from the conflict’s trajectory, but the Lebanese government does not control Hezbollah, the militant group driving much of the fighting. While Lebanon expelled Iran’s ambassador a month ago, the envoy remains in place, and Hezbollah did not block the recent negotiations. President Joseph Aoun rejected a U.S. request to speak directly with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, underscoring the limited scope of diplomatic outreach. The ceasefire’s durability is tightly linked to broader U.S.–Iranian discussions. Israel’s baseline demand remains the disarmament of Hezbollah, whereas Hezbollah insists on a full Israeli withdrawal. Netanyahu’s recent surprise visit to Lebanon’s south, where he pledged to expand a so‑called "buffer zone," signals a hard‑line stance that could jeopardize any lasting peace. Within Lebanon, public anger toward Hezbollah has surged after its rocket retaliation for the killing of Iran’s supreme leader ignited the war. Simultaneously, the relentless Israeli bombardment has eroded confidence in the Lebanese state, pushing vulnerable communities toward the militant group and deepening social fissures that harken back to the country’s civil‑war era. Internationally, even long‑standing allies of Israel, notably the United States, are expressing growing unease over the conduct of the campaign. Critics argue that any pause must be genuine and sustained, not a superficial lull that leaves civilians exposed to continued violence. The fragility of the current ceasefire is evident, especially as Israel continues strikes in Lebanon despite a prior truce and as its military actions in Gaza have already resulted in hundreds of Palestinian deaths.

Rebuilding opens on a bleak, charred horizon, introducing Dusty (Josh O’Connor), a Colorado rancher whose ancestral land has been reduced to ash by a recent wildfire. A bank official’s blunt refusal to extend a loan underscores the decade‑long bleak outlook for the barren property.Stripped of his home, Dusty relocates to a spartan, government‑funded trailer camp and takes a humbling highway‑maintenance job. The film deepens his personal stakes through interactions with his ex‑wife Ruby (Meghann Fahy), their ten‑year‑old daughter Callie‑Rose (Lily LaTorre), and his ailing mother‑in‑law Bess, portrayed by Oscar‑winner Amy Madigan. A poignant scene shows Dusty ferrying Callie‑Rose to the local library, where they share a shaky Wi‑Fi connection for her schoolwork.Amid the trailer community, Dusty forms a tentative bond with the resilient Mali (Kali Reis), hinting at a potential romance beyond mere friendship. Their collective moments around a campfire evoke the tone of Chloé Zhao’s Nomadland, positioning the film within a growing genre of American stories about displacement and survival.Notably, the narrative avoids direct references to climate change or governmental responsibility, presenting the wildfire as an isolated tragedy rather than a symptom of a broader environmental crisis. This omission mirrors a recurring pattern in U.S. cinema, where the focus remains on personal resilience rather than systemic solutions.O’Connor delivers a nuanced performance, channeling the restrained British sensibility of his earlier work into Dusty’s quiet strength and vulnerability. His portrayal anchors the film’s emotional core, while the supporting cast—particularly Madigan’s compassionate Bess and Reis’s tough‑yet‑tender Mali—adds depth to the community portrait.Rebuilding arrives in UK cinemas on 17 April, offering audiences a contemplative look at loss, renewal, and the fragile ties that bind families and strangers alike.

Recent talks in Islamabad between Washington and Tehran collapsed, reflecting the stark mismatch between the United States' 15‑point proposal and Iran's 10‑point counter‑offer. The brief negotiations, led by U.S. Vice‑President JD Vance, failed to bridge core disagreements on nuclear policy and regional security. Vance attributed the breakdown to Iran's outright rejection of U.S. terms, while President Donald Trump responded by imposing a naval blockade of the Strait of Hormuz. Such a blockade is legally an act of war, raising the specter of Iranian retaliation against Gulf monarchies and a sharp spike in global oil, diesel, and LNG prices. Both sides, however, have not ruled out renewed negotiations. Pakistan and Egypt are quietly mediating, recognizing that a renewed conflict would deepen President Trump's domestic challenges—rising inflation, declining poll numbers, and the approaching midterm elections—while also exacerbating Iran's economic hardship and social unrest. The proposed diplomatic framework focuses on three pillars: Limited uranium enrichment: The U.S. would acknowledge Iran's right, under the Non‑Proliferation Treaty, to enrich uranium for peaceful purposes, capping enrichment at 3.67% (the 2015 JCPOA limit). Monitoring would be conducted by the IAEA through electronic and on‑site inspections, with a potential 20‑year renewable agreement. Sanctions relief and asset release: In exchange for Iran dropping its demand for war reparations, the United States would lift primary and secondary sanctions and unfreeze all Iranian assets. Additionally, Iran would be authorized to levy a $2 million fee per oil tanker transiting Hormuz, shared with Oman, provided it guarantees innocent passage under a multinational oversight coalition that includes Russia and China. Security guarantees: Iran would issue a written pledge not to develop nuclear weapons, echoing the late Ayatollah Ali Khamenei’s injunction. Simultaneously, the U.S. and UN Security Council would endorse a non‑aggression pact between the two nations, with parallel agreements possible for Gulf states. For the plan to succeed, three conditions must be met: Washington must make genuine concessions; President Trump must extend the 22 April cease‑fire deadline and allow sufficient time for complex negotiations; and any Israeli offensive against Iran must be avoided, as it would jeopardize the entire process. Rajan Menon, professor emeritus of international relations at CUNY’s Powell School and senior research fellow at Columbia University’s Saltzman Institute, outlines this pragmatic approach as a means to avert a full‑scale war and secure a durable peace in the Middle East.

When fighting erupted in Sudan’s streets in April 2023, families fled their homes, cities and even the country itself. Three years on, the exodus continues, with millions still on the move.The Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC) surveyed 1,293 displaced households in Sudan, Chad and South Sudan, exposing a grim cycle of loss. Each forced relocation strips survivors of the last remnants of their former lives.According to the findings, about 90 % of respondents have lost their homes and nearly three‑quarters report having no income. Food scarcity has become critical: more than 80 % of households in Sudan and virtually all in South Sudan regularly skip meals.Within Sudan alone, over nine million people remain displaced, while an estimated 28.9 million face acute hunger. The cumulative trauma is evident—by the fourth displacement, almost two‑thirds of individuals feel completely exhausted and depleted of resources, and roughly 65 % have been separated from family members.Despite these hardships, a remarkable degree of solidarity persists. In Sudan and Chad, one in three aid recipients continue to share their limited supplies with neighbors, strangers and newly arrived families.“In Sudan now, you are always running,” says Amina, who escaped Khartoum with four children and only the clothes on her back after her husband vanished in the early days of the fighting. “Running from war. Running for food.”Education has collapsed: only 45 % of displaced children across the three nations attend school regularly, while 18 % of households have been forced to send children to work.The NRC’s conclusion is stark. While resilience and generosity have kept the humanitarian response afloat, communities are signaling that they can no longer bear the burden alone. The mutual support that has acted as an “invisible backbone” is now stretched to its breaking point.This photo essay is provided by the Norwegian Refugee Council.

A devastating school shooting has occurred in Turkiye, claiming the lives of three students and a teacher. This incident marks the second school attack in the country within a span of just two days, raising concerns about safety and security in educational institutions.The incident has sent shockwaves across the nation, highlighting the urgent need for measures to prevent such tragic events from occurring in the future. Authorities are likely to face increased scrutiny over their handling of school safety and the effectiveness of existing security protocols.

Tehran has issued an uncompromising demand for $270 billion in reparations for the devastation wrought by United States and Israeli strikes since the war began on 28 February. The figure, disclosed by government spokeswoman Fatemeh Mohajerani in an interview with Russia’s RIA Novosti, aggregates both direct and indirect losses across a wide range of sectors. Iran’s UN envoy asserted that five regional states must contribute to the compensation, alleging that their territories served as launchpads for attacks on Iranian soil. In parallel, Tehran floated a Strait of Hormuz protocol that would levy a tax on vessels transiting the strategic waterway, earmarking the proceeds for reconstruction. The war has battered Iran’s critical infrastructure: oil and gas complexes, petrochemical plants, steel and aluminium factories, as well as military installations have been repeatedly struck. Damage extends to bridges, ports, railways, universities, research centres, power stations and desalination plants, while countless hospitals, schools and civilian homes have been either damaged or razed. In the aviation sector, Maghsoud Asadi Samani, secretary of the Association of Iranian Airlines, reported that 60 civilian aircraft have been rendered inoperable, with 20 completely destroyed. Iran now operates roughly 160 passenger planes, many of which are decades old and suffer from parts shortages due to stringent US sanctions. The airline industry estimates losses exceeding 300 trillion rials (≈ $190 million) over just 40 days of conflict, compounded by the loss of anticipated revenue from the Nowruz holiday period. Despite the extensive damage, Iranian officials have signalled no willingness to make major concessions in forthcoming negotiations with Washington, including on nuclear enrichment. Hard‑line parliament spokesman Ebrahim Rezaei warned that extending the recent two‑week ceasefire would merely allow the US and Israel to replenish their arsenals, urging the United States to either recognise Iran’s rights—particularly over the Strait of Hormuz—or return to hostilities. Financially, Iran allocated close to $8 billion to its military in 2024, according to SIPRI, and has pledged to triple that budget following previous missile exchanges with Israel. Yet the economy remains strained by years of sanctions, mismanagement and corruption. Compounding the economic strain, the government‑imposed near‑total internet shutdown—affecting over 90 million users—has been estimated to cost the nation up to $80 million per day. Afshin Kolahi of the Iran Chamber of Commerce warned that the blackout equates to losing the output of four B1‑class bridges and two medium‑capacity power plants each day. While a limited “Internet Pro” service is being offered to select users, the majority of the population remains confined to a state‑controlled intranet, prompting widespread calls for internet freedom. These intertwined military, economic and digital pressures underscore the high stakes of the anticipated US‑Iran talks, with Tehran demanding acknowledgment of its losses and a pathway to rebuild a war‑torn nation.

MPs in the UK have rejected a proposal to ban under-16s from using social media for the second time, as the Prime Minister summoned tech bosses to demand tougher action on internet safety. The House of Commons sided with the government against a Lords amendment to the children's wellbeing and schools bill that imposed a new age limit on using social media platforms. The vote, which was 256 to 150, a majority of 106, against the change, marks a significant setback for campaigners who have been pushing for greater urgency in tackling online harms. The government is now pushing ahead with its own consultation into an under-16s ban and potential restrictions on social media platforms, which closes next month. The consultation will consider raising the age limit on social media from 13 to 16 and addressing the addictive nature of social media platforms by restricting features such as infinite scrolling. The Prime Minister, Keir Starmer, is set to meet senior leaders at social media companies, including TikTok, X, YouTube, Snapchat, and Meta, to demand swifter progress on internet safety. Campaigners and bereaved parents have urged the government to take tougher action to protect children online. Esther Ghey, mother of the murdered teenager Brianna Ghey, said the government consultation was 'delaying' action against online harms. 'We know that social media is addictive, we know about the things young people are accessing online,' she said. The Molly Rose Foundation, an internet safety charity, said the solution was not a ban but a commitment to strengthening the Online Safety Act. 'It's time to look beyond this false sense of safety and for the Prime Minister to decisively commit to strengthening regulation to make unsafe and addictive design a thing of the past,' said Andy Burrows, MRF's chief executive.