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Javokhir Sindarov sealed the men’s Candidates in Pegeia, Cyprus, with a historic 10 out of 14 points, finishing 1.5 points clear of Anish Giri. The 20‑year‑old Uzbek also posted the highest tally of six wins and eight draws since the current Candidates format began in 2013. In the women’s section, India’s Vaishali Rameshbabu claimed the title by a narrow ½‑point margin over Kazakhstan’s Bibisara Assaubayeva. Sindarov’s play evoked the classic Soviet master Mikhail Botvinnik, with meticulous opening preparation that often anticipated his opponents’ ideas deep into the endgame. When pressure mounted – notably in his second round against world No. 3 and US champion Fabiano Caruana – his defensive technique remained precise and confident. Final standings (14 rounds): Sindarov 10, Giri 8.5, Caruana 7.5, Wei Yi 7, Hikaru Nakamura 6.5, Praggnanandhaa Rameshbabu 6, Matthias Blübaum 6, Andrey Esipenko 4.5. The upcoming world championship match will be a best‑of‑14 showdown, pitting Sindarov against reigning champion Gukesh Dommaraju. Both will be 20 years old when the contest takes place in the second half of 2026, though the venue remains undecided. Gukesh’s recent dip to 15th in the ratings has added intrigue to the encounter. Analysts rate Sindarov as at least a 60 % favourite, while India’s grandmaster cohort – led by former champion Viswanathan Anand – is expected to rally behind Gukesh. Speculation also surrounds Magnus Carlsen, the current world No. 1, who stepped away from the classical crown in 2023. He indicated a willingness to defend only against Alireza Firouzja, but Firouzja’s recent focus on blitz and fashion has left the door open for a possible Carlsen‑Sindarov clash, should the Norwegian be persuaded. Sindarov’s rise is remarkable: he earned the grandmaster title at 12 years 10 months, later fell into a teenage obsession with the video game Counter‑Strike, and refocused on chess after defeating Firouzja at the 2021 World Cup. His resurgence helped Uzbekistan win gold at the 2022 Olympiad. Financial projections suggest a potential $10 million revenue stream for a Carlsen‑vs‑Sindarov title match, a figure that could also bolster Carlsen’s claim as the all‑time No. 1 ahead of Garry Kasparov. Nonetheless, Carlsen’s aversion to the intensive computer‑prep demanded by modern classical play remains a major hurdle. Carlsen may instead target the forthcoming 2027 FIDE World Total Championship Tour, which blends classical, rapid, and blitz formats, offering a more varied competitive landscape. In the Women’s Candidates, Vaishali Rameshbabu staged a stunning turnaround. After a 0‑5 start, she surged to the top after round 11, maintained a one‑point lead despite a round‑12 loss to China’s Zhu Jiner, and clinched the final round with a decisive victory over Kateryna Lagno in a sharp Sicilian Dragon, delivering the winning combination 39 Rd8+! 40 c4! Women’s final scores (14 rounds): Vaishali 8.5, Assaubayeva 8, Aleksandra Goryachkina 7.5, Zhu 7.5, Anna Muzychuk 7, Kateryna Lagno 6.5, Divya Deshmukh 5.5, Tan Zhongyi 5.5. Five‑time women’s world champion Ju Wenjun enters the upcoming title defence as a clear favourite, holding a peak rating above 2600 and currently rated 2559 against Vaishali’s 2470. Elsewhere, English GM Dan Fernandez posted an unbeaten 7/9 at the Menorca Open, achieving a 2601 performance rating and boosting his chances for selection to the England Olympiad squad. Young talents also featured: Argentina’s Faustino Oro and England’s Supratit Banerjee – both 12‑year‑olds – failed to secure their final GM norms, while India’s 10‑year‑old prodigy Aarit Kapil became only the fifth player ever to earn an IM norm before turning 11, later flirting with a historic GM norm. The English Chess Federation will host a 24‑hour chess marathon on Chess.com in memory of coaches GM Jonathan Hawkins and IM Adam Hunt, with proceeds supporting Macmillan Cancer Support. 4020: 1…Bxd4! 2 cxd4 Nf4! 3 Qb3 Qxf1+! 4 Kxf1 Rc1+ 5 Qd1 Rxd1 #

The album Asili ya Mama (Origin of Mother) is a collection of 10 energetic Tanzanian field recordings that tell women's stories with a vibrant trill. Put together by documentarian Ruth Ndeto and musician Msafiri Zawose, it showcases the rhythmic, melodic, and harmonic invention of women from the Wagogo, Waluguru, and Wasambaa communities.These songs have 'carried culture and music in everyday life', but rarely been heard beyond their communities. The album opener, Baba Mwenda, is a storytelling song warning against greed, featuring a brisk female singer and traditional shakers and tin drums. Other tracks, such as Chamsola and Chamwiloa, demonstrate the call-and-response singing and trilling vocal solos that are infectious and sparky.The themes of the songs are powerfully expressed through their performance. In Kuku Mnywa Maji, voices and instruments are woven together in tight repetitions, while in Mlembwe, deeper-pitched layers of harmony are built up like foundational stones. The album also features women leading men, expressions now recorded, archived, and shared widely, extending their beautiful power.

US tech firms, including Microsoft, have successfully influenced the EU to conceal the environmental impact of their datacentres, an investigation has revealed. The EU's proposal to create a database of green metrics for datacentres was amended to include a secrecy provision, almost verbatim from industry lobbying efforts in 2024. This confidentiality clause, included in EU rules, restricts public access to individual datacentre emissions data, leaving only national-level summaries of energy footprints. Researchers and legal scholars warn that this blanket confidentiality may violate EU transparency rules and the Aarhus convention on public access to environmental information. The rise of AI chatbots has led to a surge in datacentre construction, increasing demand for power, partly met by burning fossil gas. The EU aims to triple its datacentre capacity in the next five to seven years to become a global leader in artificial intelligence. Industry groups, including DigitalEurope and Video Games Europe, lobbied for the change, citing commercial interests. Microsoft stated it supports greater transparency while protecting confidential business information. Legal experts argue that the confidentiality clause contravenes EU transparency rules and the Aarhus convention. The EU is obliged to ensure systematic availability of environmental information to the public under the convention.

Modern combat has been reshaped by the Russia‑Ukraine war, the Gaza clashes, India‑Pakistan skirmishes and the recent US‑Israel strikes on Iran, driving an unprecedented global appetite for drones, missiles and sophisticated air‑defence systems. Turkey, a leading military power in the Middle East, is positioning itself as a key supplier in this booming market. At the heart of Turkey’s push is Roketsan, a firm founded in 1988 to equip the Turkish Armed Forces. Today the company exports to roughly 50 nations and is counted among the fastest‑growing defence enterprises worldwide. Bypassing Western embargoes has been a catalyst for this growth. After the United States imposed CAATSA sanctions in 2020 and removed Turkey from the F‑35 programme, Ankara was forced to develop an indigenous defence ecosystem. The result is a network of nearly 4,000 small and medium‑sized enterprises that now supplies over 90 % of the components used in Turkish weapons. Financially, the strategy is paying off. In 2025 Turkish defence exports reached $10 billion. Roketsan’s General Manager Murat Ikinci told Al Jazeera the firm sits at 71st place among global defence firms and is targeting a climb into the top 50, then top 20, and ultimately the top 10 by the end of the decade. To fuel this ambition, President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan inaugurated a suite of new facilities last week, including: Europe’s largest warhead production plant. A new R&D centre employing 1,000 engineers. The “Kirikkale” complex dedicated to rocket‑fuel research. Infrastructure for mass‑producing ballistic and cruise missiles. The construction represents a $1 billion outlay, with an additional $2 billion earmarked for scaling up production capacity. Roketsan’s R&D engine—the third‑largest in Turkey with 3,200 engineers—draws heavily on lessons from ongoing wars. The Ukraine conflict highlighted the effectiveness of cheap FPV and AI‑guided kamikaze drones, prompting Roketsan to field systems such as the ALKA and BURC air‑defences and the laser‑guided CIRIT missile. Recent US‑Israel operations against Iran have underscored the threat posed by low‑cost Iranian‑designed Shahed drones, now upgraded with Russian “Kometa‑B” anti‑jamming modules. These swarms have overwhelmed regional defences and even struck a British base in Cyprus in March 2026, while NATO intercepted three Iranian ballistic missiles that entered Turkish airspace. In response, Roketsan is advancing the “Tayfun” (Typhoon) missile family. The flagship Tayfun Block 4 is a hypersonic ballistic missile designed to pierce advanced air‑defence layers at extreme speeds. When pressed for specifics, Ikinci declined to disclose the exact range, noting only that it is “sufficient.” Strategically, Turkey is shifting away from Western dependence toward an “Eastern” partnership model. Roketsan now offers joint production and technology‑development agreements, establishing co‑located facilities and R&D centres across the Middle East, Far East and Europe. Qatar has been cited as a flagship example of this collaborative approach. Roketsan has identified five priority product lines to meet rising global demand: Long‑range ballistic and cruise missiles. Advanced air‑defence systems, including “Steel Dome”, Hisar‑A, Hisar‑O and Siper. Submarine‑launched cruise missiles leveraging the AKYA system. Smart micro‑munitions for armed drones. Long‑range air‑to‑air missiles, a capability highlighted by the recent India‑Pakistan clash. The timing is critical. Ongoing conflicts have depleted the stockpiles of high‑end air‑defence assets worldwide. During the US‑Israel‑Iran confrontation, the United States relied heavily on Patriot and THAAD systems, raising concerns that interceptor inventories could run low. Gulf states, which have logged over 1,000 drone sightings in their airspace, are actively seeking alternative solutions—an opening that Turkey’s self‑sufficient supply chain is poised to fill. Analysts warn that even major powers like the United States will need years to rebuild their air‑defence inventories due to the complexity of production. Turkey’s claim of near‑complete domestic manufacturing positions it as a ready supplier for nations eager to diversify away from traditional Western sources. As demand for missiles and drones surges, Roketsan is reinvesting its revenues into expanding production infrastructure, aiming to cement its place among the world’s elite defence exporters.

Beirut, Lebanon – In late March, authorities abandoned a proposed shelter for war‑displaced residents in the Karantina neighbourhood after a wave of public protest.Opponents, including local politicians and community activists, cited practical concerns such as traffic congestion near the port and health risks. However, the core of the backlash was sectarian: many Christian residents invoked demographic fears, chanting slogans reminiscent of the 1975‑1990 Lebanese Civil War to block housing for the predominantly Shia‑Muslim displaced population.The controversy resurfaced painful memories of the 1976 Karantina massacre, when right‑wing Phalangist forces expelled and killed thousands of Muslims. Historian Diala Lteif, researching the district’s history, estimates the death toll at 1,000‑3,000. She warned that the current rhetoric mirrors the “foundational logic” of that tragedy – a drive to segregate neighbourhoods.Israel’s intensified campaign against Lebanon has already forced the displacement of approximately 1.2 million people. The war, reignited on March 2 after Hezbollah’s retaliatory rocket fire, has seen Israeli troops and air strikes devastate southern towns and parts of Beirut, heightening fears that hosting displaced families could draw further attacks.Amid these tensions, a 10‑day ceasefire is slated to begin, yet many Lebanese worry the violence could spiral into renewed communal conflict or even a civil war.Experts note that the association of displaced Shia communities with Hezbollah fuels anxiety. Lara Deeb, an anthropologist at Scripps College, explained that Lebanon’s sectarian political system blurs the line between a religious group and a political party, amplifying mistrust across the board.While the cancelled site remains unused, another displacement centre operated by the Lebanese charity Offre Joie continues to function in Karantina. It currently shelters about 1,000 displaced families from the south, the Bekaa Valley, and Beirut’s southern suburbs.Volunteer Marie Daou described the centre’s conditions as comparatively decent, with reliable hot water and regular meals. Security forces monitor the residents’ identities, and no occupants have left despite more than 40 days of conflict.One resident, 30‑year‑old Nadine, fled her home in Burj al‑Barajneh on March 2. She now lives with five siblings at the centre, saying, “For now, we’re staying here. You can’t go back because there is danger, but nowhere is safe. We will endure.”The episode highlights how historic sectarian wounds intersect with today’s geopolitical crisis, shaping public policy and community responses in a Lebanon already strained by war and displacement.

Israeli military chief Eyal Zamir authorized five soldiers from the Force 100 unit to resume reserve service after the top military prosecutor dismissed all charges linked to an alleged sexual assault on a Palestinian detainee at the Sde Teiman detention camp. The decision comes while an internal military inquiry into the soldiers’ conduct remains open; Israeli Army Radio reports that some of the reservists have already been redeployed to active combat roles. In a statement cited by Haaretz, the army emphasized that “the investigation does not prevent them from continuing to serve … the command‑level investigation will be completed as soon as possible.” Charges were withdrawn last month by Israel’s senior military lawyer, ending a case that had become one of the most contentious in recent Israeli history. The original indictment alleged that the soldiers stabbed the detainee with a sharp object near his rectum, causing cracked ribs, a punctured lung and an internal tear. Prison doctor Yoel Donchin told reporters he was initially shocked by the severity of the injuries, assuming they were inflicted by a rival armed group. Military Advocate General Itay Offir explained that the indictments were scrapped due to “complexities in the evidentiary structure” and “difficulties” arising after the detainee’s release to the Gaza Strip. Human‑rights organisations, led by Amnesty International, condemned the reinstatement as “yet another unconscionable chapter” in a legal system they say routinely grants impunity for grave crimes against Palestinians. The group noted that only one Israeli soldier has ever been sentenced for torturing a Palestinian detainee. Broader reports, including a February study by the Committee to Protect Journalists, document widespread abuse—ranging from beatings and starvation to sexual assault—experienced by Palestinians held in Israeli custody.

Sanaa, Yemen – At 7 a.m., 14‑year‑old Qasim wakes, grabs a one‑metre‑by‑half‑metre white sack and heads out to collect plastic bottles, hoping to fill it by 11:30 a.m. A full sack can bring in up to 1,500 Yemeni riyal (≈ $3), which the family uses for daily meals. When Qasim returns home, he can briefly be a child again, playing football with neighbours. By evening, his 12‑year‑old brother Asem takes over the bottle‑collecting, selling the haul at night to cover dinner costs. For the siblings, school is a luxury they cannot afford. "I was in fourth grade in 2024, but I stopped because I needed to help my family," Qasim told Al Jazeera, wiping his cheeks. "Sitting in a classroom would not feed me," he added. The conflict that began in 2014 between Iran‑backed Houthis and the Saudi‑backed government has devastated Yemen’s education system. UNICEF estimates that 3.2 million school‑aged children are out of school, with another 1.5 million displaced children at risk of permanent dropout. Even though a cease‑fire was declared in April 2022, the war’s economic fallout persists. During the fourth Riyadh International Humanitarian Forum, Yemen’s Minister of Planning Waed Badhib said the war has cost the national economy **over $250 billion** and pushed unemployment to **35 %**. Parents like Qasim’s father, 48‑year‑old daily‑wage worker Abdu, no longer see education as a viable path. "Seeing a hungry child hurts more than seeing a child drop out," he said, noting that many university graduates now work as construction guards or porters. Experts warn that this short‑term coping strategy harms long‑term prospects. Mahmoud al‑Bukari, a Taiz academic, explained that forcing children into work “creates further social and economic problems for both individuals and society.” Sociology professor Afrah al‑Humaiqani stressed that denying education violates children’s rights and breeds anxiety, undermining future economic development. Infrastructure damage compounds the crisis: more than 2,400 schools are destroyed, partially damaged, or repurposed (Save the Children). Remaining classrooms are overcrowded, and teachers—many unpaid for years—are demotivated, leading to a decline in teaching quality. Fatima Saleh, a teacher in Sanaa, described educators as the "engine" of learning. "When that engine falters, students lose interest and drop out," she said, noting that unpaid salaries force many teachers to quit or seek other work. Journalist Mohammed Abdu al‑Samei argues that the cease‑fire alone cannot revive education without addressing the underlying economic collapse. International aid has also dwindled, leaving a critical funding gap for programs that once kept children in school. For Qasim, returning to a classroom is no longer realistic. He now aims to acquire a trade—painting, carpentry, or welding—to earn a living, saying, "I will not return to the classroom, but I will learn a skill that helps my family."

West Bengal’s electoral rolls have been slashed by over nine million names, representing roughly 12 % of the state’s 76 million registered voters, after the Election Commission of India (ECI) completed its Special Intensive Revision (SIR) earlier this month. The purge has hit the Muslim community hardest. In districts where Muslims form a sizable share of the electorate, deletions total 460,000 in Murshidabad, 330,000 in North 24 Parganas and 240,000 in Malda. Analysts say the pattern suggests a strategic effort to reshape the voter base ahead of the assembly election scheduled for April 23 and April 29, with results due on May 4. One of the most striking cases is that of Nabijan Mondal, 73, who has voted in every national, state and local election for the past five decades. She discovered her name missing from the new list because her voter card bears the nickname “Nabijan” while her Aadhaar and ration cards use the formal name “Nabirul.” Her husband, children and their spouses remain on the roll, leaving her unable to vote. Overall, nearly six million of the removed voters were classified as absent, shifted, dead or duplicate, while the remaining three million must appeal to special tribunals. However, the Supreme Court of India has ruled that those with pending tribunal cases cannot cast ballots in the upcoming election, though it may permit the ECI to issue supplementary lists. West Bengal’s Muslim population stands at about 25 million (27 % of the state’s 106 million residents). The Trinamool Congress (TMC), led by Mamata Banerjee, has governed the state since 2011 and relies heavily on Muslim support to counter the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). Banerjee has accused the ECI of partisan bias, claiming the SIR was “selectively applied … to benefit the BJP.” Conversely, the BJP frames the revision as a necessary measure against “illegal infiltrators,” linking the exercise to concerns over cross‑border migration from Bangladesh and Rohingya refugees. Independent research by the Kolkata‑based SABAR Institute supports the allegation of disproportionate impact. In the contested constituencies of Nandigram and Bhabanipur, where the BJP’s Suvendu Adhikari is challenging TMC leaders, over 95 % of the deleted names in Nandigram were Muslims, and 40 % of deletions in Bhabanipur involved Muslim voters, despite Muslims comprising only 25 % and 20 % of the respective populations. Women appear especially vulnerable. Legal scholar Swati Narayan notes that patrilocal customs and frequent name changes after marriage create documentation gaps that the SIR process penalises. Jesmina Khatun, a 31‑year‑old from Gobindapur, lost her name over a minor spelling inconsistency in her father’s surname, illustrating how minor clerical errors can disenfranchise voters. Political commentator Yogendra Yadav warns that the SIR places an “excessive burden” on female voters, who must produce proof from their natal homes while men can rely on documents from their current residence. With tribunals unlikely to clear the backlog before polling day, thousands of eligible citizens risk being excluded from a pivotal election that could reshape the political landscape of India’s most populous state.

After Bournemouth’s 2‑1 triumph over Arsenal at the Emirates on Saturday, manager Andoni Iraola celebrated with a broad smile, acknowledging the win as the third victory in four encounters with the league leaders and a clear sign that his project is gaining momentum. Having risen from administration to the Premier League under Eddie Howe, the Cherries have long been viewed through the lens of Howe’s legacy. Iconic moments such as the 2019 4‑0 demolition of Chelsea cemented that era. Following Howe’s 2020 relegation, a succession of domestic appointments – Jason Tindall, Jonathan Woodgate, Scott Parker and Gary O’Neil – produced mixed outcomes, with O’Neil’s dismissal after a respectable finish highlighting the club’s desire for a new direction under owner Bill Foley. Iraola arrived from Athletic Bilbao, where he amassed over 500 appearances, bringing a philosophy that blends Bilbao’s directness with a British‑style width. Early on, his tenure appeared rocky: the first nine league games yielded no wins and left Bournemouth in 19th place, punctuated by a heavy 6‑1 loss to Manchester City. Yet a narrow victory over Burnley sparked a turnaround, culminating in a seven‑match unbeaten run that added 19 crucial points. Statistically, the Cherries have become more than occasional spoilers. While they previously earned just 0.42 points per game against the traditional ‘big six’, under Iraola they have improved to 1.5 points per game in both the 2024‑25 season and the current campaign, recording nine wins and seven defeats against top opposition. Their current 11th‑place standing reflects a blend of competitive resilience and entertaining football built on athleticism, work rate and on‑ball daring. The club’s on‑field evolution has translated into a remarkable transfer market windfall. Key departures include Dominic Solanke to Tottenham for £55 million, Dean Huijsen to Real Madrid for £50 million, Illia Zabarnyi to Paris Saint‑Germain for £54.5 million, Milos Kerkez to Liverpool for £40 million, Dango Ouattara to Brentford for £42 million and Antoine Semenyo to Manchester City for £62.5 million. Collectively, these sales amount to a staggering £304 million, underscoring Bournemouth’s emergence as a premier talent factory alongside clubs like Brighton and Brentford. Looking ahead, Iraola is set to depart at the end of the season, with speculation linking him to high‑profile roles at Manchester United, his native Athletic Bilbao or other continental giants. Bournemouth’s board has already identified Marco Rose – renowned for his high‑intensity approach that benefitted Erling Haaland and Jude Bellingham – as a potential successor, signaling a commitment to maintain the club’s dynamic style. In the broader context, Bournemouth’s transformation illustrates how a mid‑table Premier League side can leverage strategic coaching, a clear playing identity and savvy player development to generate both on‑field success and substantial financial returns, effectively moving beyond the shadow of Eddie Howe.