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South Africa announced the appointment of Roelf Meyer, a 78‑year‑old former minister and chief negotiator for the apartheid government, as its new ambassador to the United States. The decision, made by President Cyril Ramaphosa, is intended to heal the diplomatic breach that widened after the United States, under President Donald Trump, expelled the previous envoy, Ebrahim Rasool, in March 2025. Meyer replaces Rasool, who was dismissed after publicly labeling Trump’s global movement as “white supremacist.” Since then, Pretoria has lacked formal representation in Washington, a gap the government hopes to close with Meyer’s extensive negotiation experience. The bilateral relationship has deteriorated since Trump assumed office in January 2024, with the U.S. president repeatedly criticising South Africa’s affirmative‑action policies and falsely alleging a “white genocide.” Trump’s administration even offered expedited U.S. citizenship to Afrikaners claiming persecution, while freezing foreign assistance over a land‑ownership law that mandates at least 30 % Black participation in companies. South Africa’s recent actions have further strained ties: filing a genocide case against Israel at the International Court of Justice and inviting Iran to a BRICS naval exercise off its coast, prompting Washington to accuse Pretoria of “cosying up to Iran.” The BRICS grouping, of which South Africa is a founding member, is viewed by Trump as an economic challenge to U.S. dominance.In a statement, Ramaphosa described Meyer as “a very loyal and patriotic South African” who is “more than qualified” to re‑calibrate relations with the United States and engage with stakeholders on Capitol Hill and across federal agencies. Meyer, who leads the global consultancy In Transformation Initiative, has a long‑standing record in peace negotiations across Northern Ireland, Sri Lanka, Rwanda, Burundi, Kosovo, Bolivia, the Basque region and the Middle East. Domestically, he was the chief negotiator for the white‑minority government during the early‑1990s talks that ended apartheid, later serving as Minister of Constitutional Development under Nelson Mandela and co‑founding the United Democratic Movement before joining the African National Congress in 2006. Critics, notably the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF), argue that appointing a former apartheid official signals a willingness to appease Trump’s “white supremacist whims” and that Meyer’s age limits opportunities for younger diplomats. The EFF highlighted his past role in the Department of Law and Order, which enforced apartheid repression. Despite the political controversy, South African analysts stress that the priority for the new ambassador is economic. U.S.–South Africa bilateral trade stands at $26 billion, making Washington Pretoria’s second‑largest trading partner after China. The focus, according to researcher Thembisa Fakude, will be on attracting U.S. investment and creating jobs rather than merely countering Trump’s rhetoric. When Ramaphosa visited the White House in May 2025, he included two white South African golfers in the delegation to soften Trump’s concerns about alleged persecution of white farmers. However, Fakude notes that most South Africans are indifferent to the “artificial” accusations and are more interested in tangible economic benefits. The appointment of Meyer thus represents a calculated diplomatic gamble: leveraging his negotiation pedigree to restore confidence, while navigating domestic criticism and a volatile U.S. political climate.

Fuel‑price protests have erupted across the Republic of Ireland, described by observers as the most serious civil unrest since the state’s founding in the 1920s. Demonstrators, largely farm contractors and hauliers, have staged "go‑slow" convoys on motorways, blocked ports and even targeted the country’s sole oil refinery at Whitegate, County Cork. The unrest mirrors France’s Yellow Vests movement in its focus on carbon taxes and fuel duties, but unlike the French case it is being triggered by an external shock: the closure of the Strait of Hormuz after the United States and Israel launched a military campaign against Iran in late February 2026. The strait carries roughly 20% of global oil and LNG shipments, and its blockage has precipitated a sharp rise in fuel costs in Ireland – diesel up about 28% and petrol by 25%. By the weekend, around 40% of Irish petrol stations were empty, leaving many motorists stranded. In response, the Dublin coalition government ordered the army to clear blockades and authorised the police (An Garda Síochána) to make arrests, though the total number of detainees has not been disclosed. To quell the crisis, the government unveiled a package of concessions worth nearly $600 million. The measures include a 10% discount on diesel and petrol and a postponement of a planned carbon tax, aimed at both motorists and the broader food‑production sector (farming and fishing). The Taoiseach and Tánaiste have appealed for an end to the protests and urged dialogue through representative bodies. Public sentiment is split. A poll by the Sunday Independent found that 56% of respondents initially backed the protesters, but growing disruption – such as the cancellation of scheduled surgeries and travel difficulties for the elderly – appears to be eroding that support. Analysts highlight deeper structural issues in Ireland’s agri‑economy. Patrick Bresnihan of Maynooth University warned that the protests expose “deep inequalities and contradictions” in a system dominated by export‑oriented dairy and beef production, where many workers face precarious, seasonal contracts. While the protests have not ignited a comparable far‑right surge seen in parts of Europe, commentators caution that the unrest could provide fertile ground for populist narratives. Right‑wing groups in Germany, Spain and France have previously linked agricultural grievances to broader anti‑EU sentiment, though such movements remain marginal in Ireland. In Northern Ireland, planned blockades largely failed to materialise. Minor “go‑slow” convoys caused brief diversions, but no major infrastructure was seized and only a handful of fines were issued. Experts, including Queen’s University Belfast anthropologist Dominic Bryan, suggest the limited turnout reflects a lack of cohesive demands and organizational capacity north of the border. Political fallout in Dublin includes a confidence vote survived by the coalition after Sinn Féin’s challenge, and the resignation of junior minister Michael Healy‑Rea, who was cheered by protesters outside Leinster House. Overall, the fuel‑price protests underscore how a regional conflict in the Middle East can cascade into domestic unrest in Europe, intertwining energy security, rural economics and political stability.

Pakistan has publicly indicated that it foresees a major breakthrough that is directly tied to the progress of Iran's nuclear programme. While details remain scarce, the statement underscores the strategic importance Islamabad places on developments in Tehran's nuclear trajectory. The anticipation of such a breakthrough suggests that Pakistan may be preparing for shifts in regional diplomatic dynamics, security calculations, or economic considerations that could arise from changes in Iran's nuclear status. Analysts note that any substantive movement in Iran's nuclear capabilities could reverberate across South Asia, influencing not only bilateral relations between Islamabad and Tehran but also broader geopolitical alignments in the Middle East and beyond.

In a bid to regain control over their digital lives, people are attending 'cybersecurity disguised as a party' events, where they learn how to mitigate their vulnerability to surveillance through major tech services.Imani Thompson, a 26-year-old cybersecurity organizer, leads these events, which include activities like DJ sets and dancing, to make learning about digital security more approachable and fun. The events, organized by groups like the New York City-based tech organizing coalition Cypurr Collective, aim to help attendees understand how to protect their personal data and break free from the grip of big tech companies.61% of Americans are concerned about their digital security, but only 33% are actively doing something about it, according to a YouGov poll. These tech privacy-focused conferences, workshops, and meetups are giving people the support and agency to protect their information without giving up the tech that underpins modern life.The services people rely on to message their friends, shop, or navigate a new city can make our lives easier and more connected, but they also leave us extraordinarily exposed. The data that tech companies sweep up from our online activities allows them to infer precise details about us, which is then broadcast to thousands of companies worldwide through real-time bidding auctions.To combat this, activists are teaching communities how to regain agency over their digital lives by using more secure, transparently run platforms or even building their own digital tools. Organizations like Resist Tech Monopolies (RTM) in Seattle and Co-op Cloud, an international tech federation, are part of this movement.RTM has seen an explosion of interest recently, with a growing number of people from political and grassroots groups wanting to train their members or community on digital security. The group offers community events like book clubs, movie nights, and open office hours, as well as regular 'discover tech' events that introduce community members to tech concepts.By using libre software and open-source projects, people can contribute to building and sharing tools that are democratically designed and communally maintained. This approach not only protects users from surveillance but also allows them to collaborate on new tools that are transparent, sustainable, and free from corporate control.

For the first time, two preliminary pencil sketches by E.H. Shepard for the beloved children's book Winnie-the-Pooh have been made public. These unseen drawings were created before the book's publication in 1926 and showcase Shepard's early thoughts on bringing A.A. Milne's iconic character to life.The sketches, shared by Shepard's family to mark the centenary of the book, provide insight into the artist's creative process. One drawing, captioned 'Climbing very cautiously up the stream,' depicts Pooh and his friends Christopher Robin, Piglet, and Owl. It was intended for Chapter VIII, where Christopher Robin leads an expedition to the North Pole.The sketch shows Pooh, Christopher Robin, Piglet, and Owl on an adventure. Photograph: Courtesy of Peter HarringtonThe other sketch is a delicate study for Chapter III, where Pooh and Piglet go hunting and nearly catch a Woozle. According to Philip W Errington, a senior specialist at Peter Harrington Rare Books, these drawings showcase Shepard's 'absolute, vibrant creativity' and exceptional skill in rendering movement.The drawings will be exhibited at Peter Harrington Rare Books in London as part of a special exhibition starting on April 17. Errington noted that it is 'extraordinarily rare to encounter preliminary drawings of Winnie-the-Pooh that capture what might be called the first moment of inspiration.'

Aaron Pierre delivers a storming, almost hypnotic performance as Randle P. McMurphy, instantly igniting the stale atmosphere of a 1960s American psychiatric ward. His swagger‑filled stride and sudden, childlike scampers create a compelling contrast that keeps the audience on edge.From the opening moments, McMurphy clashes with the authoritarian Nurse Ratched (Olivia Williams), provoking the other patients to rebel, play, and celebrate life beyond the ward’s walls. Pierre’s physicality—alternating between boisterous hugs and a frantic, vulnerable laugh—captures the character’s chaotic charisma.Director Clint Dyer, fresh from his acclaimed 2022 Othello, reshapes the narrative by casting the inmates almost entirely with Black actors. This choice injects a fresh political dimension, turning the patients into “pawns in a system designed to disempower.” Each time Ratched addresses them as “boys,” the line feels like an implicit sneer.While the script does not overtly discuss race—apart from Chief Bromden’s (Arthur Boan) Indigenous background—the production foregrounds the systemic misogyny embedded in both the novel and the 1963 Dale Wasserman adaptation. McMurphy’s mantra, “I fight and fuck,” teeters between liberated individualism and a problematic reclamation of alpha‑male tropes.Olivia Williams, who stepped into the role of Nurse Ratched late in rehearsals, gives the character a “ramrod spine and starched smile.” Her performance underscores the unchecked cruelty of a regime where the doctor (Matthew Steer) is a peripheral, snickering figure, leaving Ratched’s authority unchecked and increasingly vicious.Ken Kesey’s own experience as a government‑run LSD guinea‑pig informs the play’s visceral critique of psychiatry. The production’s lighting, designed by Chris Davey, erupts in scarlet and blue hues that echo the anti‑psychiatry movement of the 1960s, while the depiction of medication, group therapy, and electroconvulsive therapy feels deliberately brutal.Staged in the round at the Old Vic, the audience becomes a “ring of often appalled observers.” Ben Stone’s set design, with its white and pond‑green tiles beneath a soaring ceiling, creates a claustrophobic floor that simultaneously aspires upward—mirroring the characters’ yearning for freedom.The ensemble, led by Giles Terera’s refined Dale Harding, adds subtle layers of tension through nuanced tics and gestures. Dyer bookends the show with a reference to Congo Square in New Orleans, a historic site of Black and Indigenous resistance, framing the play’s cruelty through a lens of cultural resilience—though the production remains largely filtered through a male gaze.The production runs at the Old Vic until 23 May 2026, offering London audiences a bold, politically charged reinterpretation of a classic American drama.

German director Christian Petzold, known for his elegant and disquieting films, presents 'Miroirs No 3', a psychological mystery that delves into the complexities of grief and family dysfunction. The film, starring Paula Beer as Laura, a talented pianist struggling with depression, navigates the aftermath of a sudden violent trauma.The story takes a fascinating turn when Laura, who survives a catastrophic car crash, meets Betty, an intense and enigmatic woman, played by Barbara Auer. Betty's character is shrouded in mystery, and her relationship with Laura becomes increasingly complex. As Laura becomes entangled in Betty's family dynamics, the film masterfully crafts an atmosphere of tension and unease.Petzold's direction weaves a narrative that eschews macabre twists and instead, steers towards a redemptive conclusion. The film's use of Maurice Ravel's Miroirs, particularly the third movement 'A Boat on the Ocean', adds a dreamlike quality to the proceedings. This subtle touch showcases Petzold's skill in creating an elegantly contrived study of an unhappy family group.The performances, particularly from Beer and Auer, bring depth to the film's exploration of emotional trauma and the complexities of human relationships. As the story unfolds, the audience is left questioning the characters' motivations and the true nature of their interactions. 'Miroirs No 3' is a thought-provoking and hauntingly beautiful film that solidifies Petzold's reputation as a master of modern European cinema.

Budget airline easyJet has issued a profit warning, citing the impact of the Iran conflict on fuel prices and bookings. The airline has seen fuel costs rise by £25m in the last month alone, driven by the escalating tensions in the Middle East.EasyJet expects to report an increased pre-tax loss of £540-£560m for the six months to March, up from £394m in the first half of 2024-25. The carrier typically generates most of its revenue in the second half of the year, which includes the peak summer period.The airline has hedged 70% of its fuel needs for the rest of the financial year to September, but each $100 movement in the spot price of jet fuel per metric tonne adds £40m in costs for its unhedged supply. Currently, the price is about $800 higher than before the conflict started.Chief executive Kenton Jarvis said demand remained strong in the short term, but customers were leaving it later to book due to economic uncertainty. However, he assured that fuel supplies remained normal and that any talk of having to cancel flights was pure speculation.Jarvis added that there was continued positive demand, but easyJet's financial performance had worsened year on year, impacted by the conflict in the Middle East and the competitive environment in some markets. Shares fell 3% in early trading.

Israel has appointed Michael Lotem as its first ambassador to Somaliland, marking the latest milestone after the country officially recognized the self‑declared state in December 2025. Lotem, who previously served as Israel’s ambassador to Kenya, was announced by Israel’s public broadcaster on Wednesday. Somaliland’s president, Abdirahman Mohamed Abdullahi, hailed the appointment in a joint parliamentary session, declaring Israel a “reliable partner” and prompting applause from lawmakers. In stark contrast, Somalia’s foreign ministry condemned the decision, labeling it a “direct breach” of Somali sovereignty and unity. The condemnation echoed broader disapproval from the UN Security Council, the African Union, the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation and the European Union, all of which have criticized Israel’s recognition of Somaliland. Since the December announcement, diplomatic activity has accelerated. Israeli foreign minister Gideon Saar visited Hargeisa in January, and Somaliland’s water ministry sent a delegation to Israel for training in water‑management techniques. President Abdullahi told Reuters in February that a trade agreement with Israel is expected soon. Israel has also granted diplomatic approval to Mohamed Hagi, a presidential adviser instrumental in securing recognition, designating him as Somaliland’s first ambassador to Israel. Somali officials warn that the deepening ties could destabilise the region. President of Somalia earlier this year called Israel’s outreach the “gravest attack” on Somali sovereignty and suggested Israel might seek to establish a military base to launch operations against Yemen. Geographically, Somaliland sits across the Gulf of Aden from Yemen, where the Iran‑backed Houthi movement controls the northwest and remains hostile to Israel. The Houthis have publicly stated that any Israeli presence in Somaliland would be a legitimate target. In March, Somaliland’s minister of the presidency, Khadar Hussein Abdi, told Bloomberg that the country aims for a “strategic relationship” with Israel that includes security cooperation. He did not rule out the possibility of an Israeli military base, noting that such a decision “will be analysed at some point.” Somalia’s state minister for foreign affairs, Ali Omar, reiterated to Al Jazeera that Somalia does not want its territory drawn into external confrontations that could further destabilise an already sensitive region. The appointment of an Israeli ambassador therefore not only solidifies bilateral ties but also introduces new strategic calculations for regional actors, potentially reshaping security dynamics in the Horn of Africa and the broader Red Sea corridor.