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Colin the Caterpillar, a British party favorite for 35 years, has been outperformed by eight supermarket rivals in a recent cake taste test conducted by consumer champion Which?.The 'original' chocolate caterpillar cake, produced by Marks & Spencer (M&S;), scored a mere 64%, ranking it at the bottom of the list. The main criticism was that its sponge was 'too dry', with almost half of the 75-strong panel of cake-testers expressing this concern.In contrast, Waitrose's Cecil caterpillar cake emerged as the winner with a score of 78% and was awarded a coveted 'best buy' gong. Cecil was praised for its remarkably moist texture, flavorful shell, and 'perfect' sponge-to-buttercream ratio.The taste test also revealed that Colin the Caterpillar contained the highest levels of sugar (46.3g) and fat (21.3g) per 100g among the caterpillar lineup, making it one of the most expensive options at £9.50. M&S; responded by highlighting a recent poll of 2,100 adults that named Colin the nation's best caterpillar cake.Key rankings:1st - Cecil (Waitrose): 78%, £9.50, 744g, 38.6g, 17g.2nd = Charlie (Co-op): 73%, £9.85, 702g, 46g, 14g;2nd = Wiggles (Sainsbury’s): 73%, £8.50, 613g, 41.9g, 18.7g.4th - Cuthbert (Aldi): 72%, £6.99, 624g, 43.5g, 17.7g9th – Colin (M&S;): 64%, £9.50, 625g, 46.3g, 21.3g.

Closing the Strait of Hormuz has choked a vital artery that carries roughly one‑fifth of the world’s crude oil and LNG, sending energy prices soaring and unsettling global trade. Even if the waterway reopens tomorrow, analysts say the ripple effects will endure for months. Nils Haupt, senior director of corporate communications at German carrier Hapag‑Lloyd, told Al Jazeera that the end of hostilities does not equate to the end of logistics challenges. “Once the bombardments stop, the real work begins,” he said, noting that hundreds of vessels will scramble for berths in Persian Gulf ports, creating a prolonged bottleneck for containers and bulk cargo. According to the International Maritime Organization, about 2,000 ships are currently stranded because of Iran’s partial blockade, with only a handful of vessels from “friendly” nations granted passage. Maritime‑intelligence firm Windward estimates that roughly 400 of those ships are anchored in the Gulf of Oman, waiting for a green light. Diverted traffic has already forced many carriers to reroute via the Suez Canal or take the far longer Cape of Good Hope passage, inflating transit times and costs for shipments bound for Asia and Europe. Oil exports from Saudi Arabia are now being sent around the Red Sea, bypassing the strait entirely. Svein Ringbakken, managing director of the Norwegian Shipowners’ Mutual War Risks Association, cautioned that even with ports operating at full capacity, clearing the backlog of oil, gas and other goods will take months. He added that repeated attacks on regional energy and transport infrastructure have compounded the problem. The International Energy Agency reports that more than 40 energy assets across the Middle East have suffered “severe or very severe” damage, prompting companies such as QatarEnergy, Kuwait Petroleum Company and Bahrain’s Bapco Energies to declare force majeure. Beyond the immediate loss of flow, the shutdown has disrupted exports of petrochemicals, fertilisers and raw materials essential for plastics production, further straining global supply chains. Industry leaders warn that the risk landscape has fundamentally shifted. SV Anchan, chairman of US‑based logistics group Safesea, highlighted the rise of asymmetric threats, including unmanned vessel attacks, which have already accounted for at least 18 confirmed assaults since the conflict began. “A full reopening will only bring normalcy after a sustained period of stability and credible security guarantees,” Anchan said. Insurance costs have exploded as a result. Marco Forgione of the Chartered Institute of Export & International Trade noted that hull and cargo premiums have surged up to 300 %, a pressure point that could force shipping firms to curtail operations if rates remain high. Oscar Seikaly, CEO of NSI Insurance Group, stressed that war‑risk coverage will only normalize when a “truly permanent” security solution is in place, not a partial one. Recent data from Lloyd’s List show that a few vessels have managed to obtain Tehran’s permission to transit, with one ship reportedly paying $2 million for the right to pass. Iranian lawmakers have also moved to formalise transit fees for the strait. Nick Marro, lead global‑trade analyst at the Economist Intelligence Unit, warned that the security guarantees demanded by shippers may be hard to meet, citing the volatile Red Sea experience where commercial traffic remains below pre‑2023 levels. Marro predicts that the Hormuz shutdown will accelerate a broader trend of route diversification, similar to the supply‑chain shifts triggered by the COVID‑19 pandemic. “Geopolitical uncertainty will become a permanent feature of risk management, not a temporary reaction,” he said. Seikaly echoed this outlook, suggesting that exporters will increasingly explore alternative corridors for strategic and political reasons, ultimately reducing traffic through the Strait of Hormuz over the long term.

Energy crises do more than lift household bills; they can reshape an entire economy. In the 1970s the United Kingdom responded to oil shortages by expanding North Sea extraction and becoming a net energy exporter. Today, with a 10 million‑barrel‑per‑day supply deficit and a fifth of global LNG trade under strain, that strategy no longer offers security.The UK is now acutely vulnerable to volatile gas prices. Inflation expectations are rising, markets anticipate higher interest rates, and borrowing costs have surged to levels not seen since the 2008 financial crisis. The ripple effect is already evident in food markets, where inflation hit 3.3 % in February and could climb sharply within three months.New data reveal that the hundreds of North Sea licences granted since 2010 have added merely 36 days of extra gas production. Major oil majors such as BP are re‑emphasising oil and gas to reassure investors, while Shell continues aggressive share‑buy‑backs. The reality is clear: fossil‑fuel giants cannot be the rescue plan.Gas should no longer set the price floor for electricity. As the grid leans more on wind and solar, gas must be treated as a backup resource, compensated with a fixed or regulated price rather than wholesale market volatility. Research from University College London and Common Wealth outlines a practical model for this approach.Beyond market reforms, households need a safety net. An essential energy guarantee—a capped, affordable band of consumption for every home—mirrors schemes adopted in Austria, the Netherlands and Poland after the 2022 crisis and would be more targeted than the current blanket price‑support guarantee.Similarly, a protected basket of staple foods, backed by long‑term procurement and direct support for domestic producers, could stabilise prices. France’s 2023 anti‑inflation shopping‑basket experiment offers a template, and the UK already supplies over 60 % of its own food, though it remains dependent on imports for fruits, vegetables, rice and fertilisers.The long‑term solution lies in renewable power. Record wind generation this year has already reduced gas‑fired output, while consumer interest in solar panels, batteries and heat pumps is soaring. A typical solar‑plus‑battery system can slash a household’s electricity bill to under £2 per month, and electric‑vehicle owners can save more than £1,000 annually on fuel costs.To unlock these savings, the government must back financing mechanisms such as zero‑interest loans, subscription‑style purchases for solar and heat‑pump kits, and leasing schemes for electric vehicles. On a larger scale, a dual‑interest‑rate policy—standard rates for the broader economy and preferential, low‑cost funding for clean‑energy projects—could mirror the green‑lending models already used by China’s central bank and the Bank of Japan.In short, the United Kingdom faces a decisive moment. The 1970s taught that energy shocks can remake a nation; the question now is whether the UK will seize this crisis to protect living standards and build a resilient, low‑carbon energy system for the decades ahead.

Caster Semenya, the two‑time Olympic 800‑metre champion, has pledged to fight the International Olympic Committee’s (IOC) newly announced gender‑testing policy that would apply to all female athletes competing in strength, power or endurance events. The South African athlete says the rule "undermines women’s rights" and lacks scientific justification. The IOC unveiled the policy last week, stating that including “androgen‑sensitive XY‑DSD athletes” in the female category "runs fundamentally counter to ensuring fairness, safety and integrity in elite competition." The measure is expected to become a universal requirement across Olympic sports, replacing a patchwork of national regulations that have sparked controversy for years. Semanya, who has been embroiled in a long‑running legal dispute with World Athletics over her right to compete despite having a Difference of Sexual Development (DSD), told Reuters, "We’re going to be vocal about it, we’re going to make noise until we’re heard". She added, "Enough is enough – women will not be told how to compete". DSDs are rare conditions involving variations in genes, hormones and reproductive anatomy. Some individuals with DSDs are raised as female yet possess XY chromosomes and testosterone levels typical of males. The IOC’s testing protocol will involve a cheek‑swab or saliva sample to detect the SRY gene on the Y chromosome, with further investigation for any positive results. Semanya rejected the scientific premise of the rule, stating, "There’s no science that XY‑DSD gives an athlete an advantage". She emphasized that athletic success stems from hard work, not genetics, and criticized those who claim intersex conditions confer a performance edge. She also criticized IOC President Kirsty Coventry, the first woman and first African to hold the position, for failing to consult athletes with DSDs before issuing the policy. "They sent us a letter the day they were going to publish the new policy," Semanya said, urging genuine stakeholder engagement rather than a perfunctory "tick‑the‑box" approach. By labeling the policy as a breach of women’s dignity and rights, Semanya aims to rally broader support for intersex athletes and challenge what she describes as a historically flawed testing regime.

President Donald Trump is reportedly weighing a request for Arab countries to fund the U.S.–Israel war on Iran, White House spokesperson Karoline Leavitt told reporters on Monday. Leavitt said the president is "quite interested" in calling on regional partners to share the expense.The idea mirrors the financing arrangement of the 1990‑91 Gulf War, when a coalition of Arab and Western nations covered roughly 88% of the $61 billion cost, leaving the United States to foot only about 12%.Trump also hinted that, even if the Strait of Hormuz remains closed, other export‑dependent partners should manage the crisis. The strait carries about 20% of the world’s oil and LNG shipments; its shutdown has pushed Brent crude to **$116 per barrel**, up from pre‑war levels near **$65**.Iran, meanwhile, has demanded that the United States pay reparations to Iranian victims as a precondition for any cease‑fire.So far, there is no clear commitment from Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) members—countries that have themselves been hit by Iranian strikes—to finance the conflict. Analysts estimate the total bill could run into tens of billions of dollars, though exact figures remain uncertain.Experts note a shift in regional attitudes: GCC states opposed the war before it began and continue to call for diplomacy, according to Zeidon Alkinani of the Arab Perspectives Institute. He added that Israel appears to be the primary driver pushing the United States into the confrontation.History shows the United States has repeatedly sought external funding for wars it leads. During the Gulf War, Saudi Arabia contributed $16.8 billion (27% of total costs) and Kuwait $16 billion (26%). Japan, Germany, the UAE and South Korea also supplied sizable sums.Post‑World War II, the U.S. administered the Marshall Plan, providing over $13 billion to rebuild Europe, while Germany and Japan paid reparations and later funded the upkeep of U.S. bases—about $1 billion annually each.In the ongoing Ukraine war, the United States once delivered the largest aid package—€114.64 billion (≈$134 billion) by mid‑2025. Since Trump returned to office in 2025, he has withdrawn **99% of U.S. support**, shifting the financial load to European allies and turning the U.S. into a major arms supplier, with weapons sales reaching a record **$318.7 billion in 2024**. Recent deals, such as a $10 billion weapons package for Ukraine financed by European partners, illustrate this new model.These precedents underscore a pattern: when U.S. leadership faces costly overseas engagements, it often looks to allies—especially those with strategic interests—to share or assume the fiscal burden.

Japan's oyster industry is facing a severe crisis as a mass die-off of oysters in the country's Hiroshima prefecture threatens the livelihoods of local fishermen and the national cuisine. The die-off, which has resulted in up to 90% of oysters dying in some areas, is attributed to a combination of rising sea temperatures and a brutally hot summer last year.The oyster industry in Hiroshima accounts for almost two-thirds of Japan's supply of farmed oysters, producing 89,000 tons of the shellfish in 2023. The industry's struggles have prompted the government to step in with support measures, including five-year government loans at virtually zero interest and access to mutual aid programs for aquaculture businesses.Experts warn that mass die-offs could become more common due to climate change and global warming. 'It's difficult to put the brakes on climate change,' says Kazuhiko Koike, a professor at Hiroshima University. 'But if the rainy season ends early again with little rainfall, and is followed by prolonged high temperatures and hot weather, this could mean that low oxygen levels and food shortages will occur again.'The crisis has significant implications for local businesses and consumers, with oyster's being a popular Japanese dish. 'This is something out of the ordinary,' says Taketoshi Niina, a fishery owner in Kure. 'A lot of those that do survive are in poor condition … they are not of a high enough quality to sell to shops and restaurants.'

A recent study published in Nature Communications by the UK Centre for Ecology & Hydrology (UKCEH) has sounded the alarm on the precarious state of Britain's native species. The merlin, Britain's smallest bird of prey, is among more than 200 species that could become extinct in the UK if immediate action is not taken to address climate change and unsustainable land use. The study, led by senior ecologist Dr. Rob Cooke, indicates that the next 20 years will be decisive in determining the fate of dozens of native species. By 2050, the British Isles, already one of the most nature-depleted regions in the world, may reach an ecological "point of no return." The researchers modeled six future scenarios with varying levels of greenhouse gas emissions and land management practices. The worst-case scenario, which involves environmentally damaging agricultural and urban intensification and 4C of global heating above pre-industrial levels, could lead to the extinction of 196 plant species, 31 bird species, and seven butterfly species in Britain. This represents losses at more than three times the historical extinction rate. In such a scenario, many areas of the country could lose up to 20% of their existing local species. The merlin, mountain ringlet and large heath butterflies, as well as plants like burnt orchid, grass-of-Parnassus, and Alpine gentian, are among those at risk of being lost. However, the study also offers a glimmer of hope. If society adopts more sustainable climate and land use policies, 69 fewer species could become extinct compared to the worst-case scenario. This underscores the critical importance of immediate action to curb emissions and adopt sustainable practices to protect Britain's biodiversity.

Oil prices have reached their highest level in nearly two weeks, with Brent crude rising over 3% to $116 a barrel on Monday morning. The surge comes amid escalating tensions between the US, Israel, and Iran, with Iran accusing the US of preparing for a ground invasion.The conflict has disrupted about one-fifth of global oil and liquified natural gas (LNG) supplies, plunging the world into its biggest energy crisis in decades. Iran's effective closure of the Strait of Hormuz has led to a nearly 60% rise in oil prices since the start of the war.Analysts warn that oil prices are likely to keep rising unless maritime traffic returns to normal levels in the strait. US President Donald Trump has threatened to 'obliterate' Iran's energy infrastructure if Tehran does not relinquish its stranglehold on the waterway by a deadline of April 6.Greg Newman, CEO of Onyx Capital Group, said energy consumers are only beginning to feel the true fallout of the turmoil, with Brent expected to rise towards $120 and beyond. The scale of the disruption has yet to be fully appreciated, with physical premiums at their highest ever.

The International Monetary Fund (IMF) has issued a stark warning that the ongoing conflict in the Middle East will lead to higher prices and slower global growth, affecting countries worldwide. The Washington-based organisation emphasised that a rise in energy and food costs will harm economic growth this year and could leave lasting scars on the global economy.The IMF's analysis, published in a blogpost by its main department heads, including chief economist Pierre-Olivier Gourinchas, noted that governments with high levels of borrowing will have limited access to funds to cushion the worst effects of the crisis. The organisation warned that all roads lead to higher prices and slower growth should the conflict continue to disrupt the supply of oil, gas, and fertiliser from the Gulf.While some countries, such as the US, may gain from higher fossil fuel prices as net exporters of oil and gas, the rise in bills for petrol, diesel, and food will harm living standards. Businesses are also forecast to come under pressure to raise prices, possibly forcing central banks to raise interest rates to combat inflation.The IMF highlighted that about a third of fertiliser production travels through the strait of Hormuz, which could push up prices. The UN Food and Agriculture Organisation projects that global prices could average 15% to 20% higher in the first half of 2026 if the crisis persists. Natural gas prices have more than doubled in the UK since last December to about £140 a therm, while a barrel of Brent crude that cost about $60 before the conflict hit more than $116 on Monday before falling back to $112.The IMF added that forecasts for sharp rises in the cost of gas and electricity in Europe next winter are forcing governments to consider higher subsidies and welfare payments to the worst-affected households. The organisation noted that countries such as Italy and the UK are especially exposed by their reliance on gas-fired power, while France and Spain are relatively protected by their greater nuclear and renewables capacity.