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Following a 10-day truce agreement between Lebanon and Israel, tens of thousands of displaced Lebanese have begun returning to their homes in southern Lebanon. The truce, which came into effect on Friday, has brought a fragile calm to the region, with many residents eager to assess the damage to their homes and communities.Despite the ceasefire, Lebanon's army has accused Israel of several early violations, including intermittent shelling of southern Lebanese villages. Hezbollah has warned that it has its 'finger on the trigger' in case of Israeli violations, while French President Emmanuel Macron has expressed concerns that the ceasefire 'may already be undermined by ongoing military operations.'The conflict has resulted in over 2,100 deaths and 1.2 million displaced in Lebanon, according to Lebanese authorities. Israeli Defence Minister Israel Katz has stated that the ceasefire does not mean Israel's campaign against Hezbollah is over, and that the group's fighters will have to be disarmed one way or another.As residents return to their hometowns, some have pledged to stay, while others have expressed fears that the fragile truce could collapse. The ceasefire could ease tensions in US-Iran negotiations, with Iran viewing the regional conflict as interconnected.

Wrexham AFC, the football club co-owned by Hollywood stars Ryan Reynolds and Rob Mac, has been awarded a £3.8m government grant without a contract or a completed state aid assessment in place. This has raised questions over whether the award was lawful.The club has received a total of £18m in taxpayer-funded grants to help redevelop its stadium, the Racecourse Ground. This is significantly more than any other club in the UK.Responses to freedom of information requests suggest that Wrexham county borough council awarded the money before completing the usual steps. Alexander Rose, a partner specialising in subsidy control at law firm Ward Hadaway, stated that the lack of a final state aid assessment at the time the grant was awarded would have left it vulnerable to legal challenge by a rival.However, there is little prospect of Wrexham AFC being forced to repay the cash, as the one-month window for challenges to be filed has since closed. The leader of Wrexham council, Mark Pritchard, said: “All due diligence and checks were in place ahead of the transfer of any funding and we refute any accusations to the contrary.”Reynolds and Mac took over the club in 2021, bringing with them a wave of sponsorship and global interest via their Disney TV series Welcome to Wrexham. The club has been able to far outspend their lower-league rivals, transforming the club’s fortunes.Wrexham, which was granted city status in 2022, awarded the £18m to the star-studded club as part of its “Wrexham Gateway” urban improvement scheme. Most of the money went towards developing the stadium, despite the club having deep-pocketed owners.The first £3.8m tranche of cash was awarded on 8 February 2022, less than a year after Reynolds and Mac’s takeover. Another £14m was awarded in September 2025.Public authorities that give out grants are required by law to judge if they comply with the principles of subsidy control, to ensure taxpayer money is not misspent. However, in response to a freedom of information request, Wrexham council said it only had “draft assessments” in place before the money was awarded.The council said the final assessment it provided was submitted nearly five months later, on 6 July 2022. In response to questions, the council shared a draft assessment it said dated from 7 September 2021.Rose said: “At the time the £3.8m grant was awarded there was a duty to carry out a principles assessment. Evidence that this assessment wasn’t finalised when the grant was given would certainly have helped a challenger, for example a rival football club.”“Subsidy control rules exist to ensure there’s a level playing field in which businesses can compete,” he added. “That includes in professional football. They’re also an important protection for the taxpayer, preventing wasteful and unnecessary subsidies from being awarded.”Recipients of large grants almost always sign contracts to ensure taxpayer money is spent as promised. Yet the council said the grant was authorised by its executive board and “provided in advance of the finalisation of the grant funding agreement”.The council said the grant funding agreement – apparently covering the whole £18m – was only created in July 2023.The contract was then completed on 17 September 2025, when the £14m tranche was awarded.The two-year delay between the creation of the contract and its signing also offered another potential benefit to Wrexham council: new subsidy control laws that came into force days earlier in August raised the threshold for mandatory scrutiny of the grant by the Competition and Markets Authority.Delaying the subsidy meant the award to Wrexham AFC was not subject to this scrutiny.While it was tapping taxpayer money, the club was also able to raise huge amounts from private backers. In the year to June 2025 it raised £36m through share issues. Three months after the second grant, Reynolds and Mac announced the sale of a stake in the club to Apollo, one of the world’s largest private equity firms.Bloomberg reported that Wrexham was valued as high as £350m. The club then raised another £47.8m in January, according to corporate filings.In the year before it received the £14m grant, Wrexham was able to repay loans worth £10.6m to Ryan Reynolds’s company, according to accounts published last month. It also lost £3.8m from the collapse of Argentex, a currency brokerage that entered special administration in July 2025 because of failed foreign exchange trades.Pritchard, the council leader, said: “The grant represents a small investment compared to what the club will be investing at the Racecourse … In fact, as the club has grown in both stature, ambition and from external investment, the percentage of public investment compared to that of the club has shrunk from roughly 68% of the project costs to around 25% currently.“This demonstrates further value for money in regard to the initial investment from the public purse.”Wrexham AFC said the club is itself making a “significant financial investment with the support of our ownership group and investors”. Accounts published last month show the club has signed a £69.2m contract to build a new stand.The spokesperson said the “funding ensures the facility can be brought up to the required standard to host international sporting events, including international football and rugby matches (as opposed to just meeting domestic football criteria)”

Colombia, the largest coal and fourth biggest oil exporter in the Americas, is hosting a groundbreaking global conference this month to drive the long-awaited 'transition away from fossil fuels'. The conference, co-hosted with the Netherlands, aims to break the deadlock in UN climate talks and bring together countries willing to forge ahead with the energy transition.The conference comes at a critical time, with nations embroiled in another oil-inflected war and fuel prices soaring worldwide. Irene Vélez Torres, Colombia's environment minister, said the conference comes in the best possible moment, highlighting the stark choice world leaders face between oil, gas and coal and cleaner, safer renewable energy.Countries are paying the price for oil addiction, not just in their energy bills but in food prices, consumer inflation, shortages, and businesses threatened with collapse. The oil crisis, sparked by the US-Israeli attack on Iran, is spotlighting the risks of fossil fuel dependency.Some countries, like the UK, are already making the switch to renewable energy, with record numbers of households turning to solar panels, electric vehicles and heat pumps. Global power generation from coal and gas has fallen, while renewables have surged ahead, with solar generation up 14% and wind by 8%.The conference aims to bring together countries that want to forge ahead with the energy transition, with 54 countries confirmed to attend, representing about a fifth of global fossil fuel production and a third of demand. However, some of the world's biggest economies and biggest polluters, including the US, China, India, Russia and the Gulf petro states, will be missing.Colombia and the Netherlands hope to create a 'coalition of the willing' to drive the transition away from fossil fuels, with a focus on tangible outcomes, including a report by scientists on how countries can make the transition and a report from finance experts on how funding can be made available.

Mr Cobra arrives as the latest statement from Korean‑American experimental musician Lucy Liyou, translating her solo music‑theatre piece into a full‑length album that confronts the corrosive nature of desire. From the opening track, listeners are greeted by a fractured piano motif that feels like shattered glass against an empty canvas, immediately setting a tone of tension and vulnerability.The record refuses to settle into any single genre. Liyou’s soundscapes swell into glossy disco bursts, dissolve into a tongue‑in‑cheek Taylor Swift skit, and even collapse into farmyard noises and text‑to‑speech monologues. This kaleidoscopic approach mirrors the emotional volatility of the central character, Babygirl, who oscillates between yearning and revulsion as she navigates a predatory romance.Key moments illustrate the album’s thematic focus on shame and power dynamics. On “Constrictor (Haha)”, Babygirl’s submissive cravings are drenched in cold‑water imagery, only to be abruptly repelled in the whimsical “Old MacDonald Had a Charm”. By the close of the track she is once again flirting, underscoring the cyclical trap of abusive attraction. Liyou also toys with celebrity culture; the track “Romeopathy” reworks Swift’s “Love Story” into a desperate plea for validation, repeatedly urging Mr Cobra to “just say yes”.While the album’s nursery‑rhyme hooks and disco interludes can momentarily distract from its darker undercurrents, they are integral to the smart, playful chaos that defines Liyou’s artistic vision. Mr Cobra stands as a daring, semi‑autobiographical exploration of how desire can both enthrall and erode, offering listeners a richly layered experience that rewards repeated, attentive listening.

Sanaa, Yemen – At 7 a.m., 14‑year‑old Qasim wakes, grabs a one‑metre‑by‑half‑metre white sack and heads out to collect plastic bottles, hoping to fill it by 11:30 a.m. A full sack can bring in up to 1,500 Yemeni riyal (≈ $3), which the family uses for daily meals. When Qasim returns home, he can briefly be a child again, playing football with neighbours. By evening, his 12‑year‑old brother Asem takes over the bottle‑collecting, selling the haul at night to cover dinner costs. For the siblings, school is a luxury they cannot afford. "I was in fourth grade in 2024, but I stopped because I needed to help my family," Qasim told Al Jazeera, wiping his cheeks. "Sitting in a classroom would not feed me," he added. The conflict that began in 2014 between Iran‑backed Houthis and the Saudi‑backed government has devastated Yemen’s education system. UNICEF estimates that 3.2 million school‑aged children are out of school, with another 1.5 million displaced children at risk of permanent dropout. Even though a cease‑fire was declared in April 2022, the war’s economic fallout persists. During the fourth Riyadh International Humanitarian Forum, Yemen’s Minister of Planning Waed Badhib said the war has cost the national economy **over $250 billion** and pushed unemployment to **35 %**. Parents like Qasim’s father, 48‑year‑old daily‑wage worker Abdu, no longer see education as a viable path. "Seeing a hungry child hurts more than seeing a child drop out," he said, noting that many university graduates now work as construction guards or porters. Experts warn that this short‑term coping strategy harms long‑term prospects. Mahmoud al‑Bukari, a Taiz academic, explained that forcing children into work “creates further social and economic problems for both individuals and society.” Sociology professor Afrah al‑Humaiqani stressed that denying education violates children’s rights and breeds anxiety, undermining future economic development. Infrastructure damage compounds the crisis: more than 2,400 schools are destroyed, partially damaged, or repurposed (Save the Children). Remaining classrooms are overcrowded, and teachers—many unpaid for years—are demotivated, leading to a decline in teaching quality. Fatima Saleh, a teacher in Sanaa, described educators as the "engine" of learning. "When that engine falters, students lose interest and drop out," she said, noting that unpaid salaries force many teachers to quit or seek other work. Journalist Mohammed Abdu al‑Samei argues that the cease‑fire alone cannot revive education without addressing the underlying economic collapse. International aid has also dwindled, leaving a critical funding gap for programs that once kept children in school. For Qasim, returning to a classroom is no longer realistic. He now aims to acquire a trade—painting, carpentry, or welding—to earn a living, saying, "I will not return to the classroom, but I will learn a skill that helps my family."

Sudan's power grid has collapsed, leaving many towns and cities without electricity. The crisis has been worsened by the ongoing war between the Sudanese Armed Forces and the Rapid Support Forces, now in its fourth year. The country's reliance on imported fuel has been disrupted, driving up costs and further straining the economy.In Khartoum, residents like Husna Mohamed are struggling to cope with the daily burden of fetching water and managing household chores without electricity. Fuel prices have surged by over 40% in recent weeks, making it difficult for people to afford basic necessities. The Sudanese pound has also lost roughly 20% of its value against the US dollar.The economic impact is being felt across various sectors. Transport costs have risen, and food prices are increasing, with a 10-kilogramme bag of sugar rising from 28,000 to 35,000 Sudanese pounds in just one week. Merchants are hesitant to sell, waiting to see how prices will develop.Economist Mohamed al-Tayeb notes that Sudan's economy is especially vulnerable to energy disruption due to its heavy reliance on land transport and power-dependent production. The crisis is not only economic but also infrastructural, with informal and makeshift power poles causing frequent failures across the grid.Local solutions, such as solar panels and shared generators, are being implemented, but they remain partial and fragile. The crisis has exposed the limited margin for error in Sudanese households, which were already absorbing multiple shocks, including the war, currency collapse, and displacement.

Recent talks in Islamabad between Washington and Tehran collapsed, reflecting the stark mismatch between the United States' 15‑point proposal and Iran's 10‑point counter‑offer. The brief negotiations, led by U.S. Vice‑President JD Vance, failed to bridge core disagreements on nuclear policy and regional security. Vance attributed the breakdown to Iran's outright rejection of U.S. terms, while President Donald Trump responded by imposing a naval blockade of the Strait of Hormuz. Such a blockade is legally an act of war, raising the specter of Iranian retaliation against Gulf monarchies and a sharp spike in global oil, diesel, and LNG prices. Both sides, however, have not ruled out renewed negotiations. Pakistan and Egypt are quietly mediating, recognizing that a renewed conflict would deepen President Trump's domestic challenges—rising inflation, declining poll numbers, and the approaching midterm elections—while also exacerbating Iran's economic hardship and social unrest. The proposed diplomatic framework focuses on three pillars: Limited uranium enrichment: The U.S. would acknowledge Iran's right, under the Non‑Proliferation Treaty, to enrich uranium for peaceful purposes, capping enrichment at 3.67% (the 2015 JCPOA limit). Monitoring would be conducted by the IAEA through electronic and on‑site inspections, with a potential 20‑year renewable agreement. Sanctions relief and asset release: In exchange for Iran dropping its demand for war reparations, the United States would lift primary and secondary sanctions and unfreeze all Iranian assets. Additionally, Iran would be authorized to levy a $2 million fee per oil tanker transiting Hormuz, shared with Oman, provided it guarantees innocent passage under a multinational oversight coalition that includes Russia and China. Security guarantees: Iran would issue a written pledge not to develop nuclear weapons, echoing the late Ayatollah Ali Khamenei’s injunction. Simultaneously, the U.S. and UN Security Council would endorse a non‑aggression pact between the two nations, with parallel agreements possible for Gulf states. For the plan to succeed, three conditions must be met: Washington must make genuine concessions; President Trump must extend the 22 April cease‑fire deadline and allow sufficient time for complex negotiations; and any Israeli offensive against Iran must be avoided, as it would jeopardize the entire process. Rajan Menon, professor emeritus of international relations at CUNY’s Powell School and senior research fellow at Columbia University’s Saltzman Institute, outlines this pragmatic approach as a means to avert a full‑scale war and secure a durable peace in the Middle East.

Brazil's Federal Police have launched an investigation into Flavio Bolsonaro, a right-wing presidential candidate, for allegedly issuing defamatory statements against his election rival, President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva. The probe was ordered by the Supreme Court's Justice Alexandre de Moraes and relates to posts Bolsonaro published in January.In the posts, Bolsonaro responded to the news of Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro's abduction by the US with insinuations linking Lula to crimes. He wrote that Lula will be exposed and predicted the collapse of the left-wing alliance known as the Sao Paulo Forum due to scandals including international drug and arms trafficking and money laundering.Brazil's penal code considers defamation a criminal offence, with prosecutors able to seek heightened penalties for defamation against presidents or heads of state. The Federal Police have 60 days to carry out their initial investigation.The development comes as Bolsonaro and Lula are in a neck-and-neck race for the presidency ahead of October's general election. A recent poll showed Lula slightly ahead in the first round with 37% of the vote compared to Bolsonaro's 32%, but Bolsonaro polls slightly ahead in a one-on-one contest.Flavio Bolsonaro, a senator for Rio de Janeiro and the eldest son of former President Jair Bolsonaro, entered the 2026 presidential race with his father's endorsement. He has suggested that seeking his father's freedom would be part of his campaign.

Sudan, one of the world's most impoverished countries, has been ravaged by a civil war that began in 2023. The conflict, driven by a power struggle between the army and the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF), has left the nation unrecognizable. Over 40,000 people have been killed, and about 14 million – a quarter of the population – have been forced to flee their homes. Civilian infrastructure across the country has been extensively damaged.“We are not just facing a crisis – we are witnessing the systematic erosion of a country’s future,” Luca Renda, the United Nations Development Programme’s (UNDP’s) resident representative in Sudan, told Al Jazeera. A report by the UNDP and the Institute for Security Studies highlights the scale of Sudan’s economic collapse. Even under the most optimistic scenario of peace being achieved in 2026, Sudan would still lose an estimated $18.8 billion in gross domestic product (GDP) by 2043.The war has had a devastating impact on Sudan's infrastructure and basic services. $6.4 billion was lost in GDP in 2023 alone, reflecting a simultaneous collapse across all major parts of Sudan’s economy. The destruction of infrastructure has triggered displacement and made it difficult for people to secure adequate housing or access basic services. Up to 40 percent of power generation capacity has been lost, and key water infrastructure has been destroyed or seized, cutting communities off from clean water and sanitation.The labor market has also been severely affected, with agriculture – once the backbone of Sudan’s economy – severely hit. Cultivated land has shrunk, adversely impacting rural livelihoods. Average incomes have fallen back to levels last seen in 1992. About 90 percent of manufacturing activity has been destroyed in key economic hubs, eliminating thousands of jobs.The oil industry has suffered significantly, with oil output falling amid widespread instability and infrastructure damage. The Khartoum refinery, which previously processed up to 100,000 barrels per day, has been out of operation since July 2023. Key infrastructure, including pipeline routes carrying crude to Port Sudan, has been hit.The collapse of the Sudanese pound and supply chains has caused a sharp rise in living costs. Food prices have surged, with four pieces of bread now costing about 1,000 pounds, an amount that had previously bought six pieces. Wages have failed to catch up with inflation, leaving many households without access to necessities. Nearly half the population is now experiencing acute food shortages.The economic collapse has had a profound impact on Sudan's people, with 34 million people in need of assistance and 19 million facing acute food shortages. The war has caused death, trauma, and profound loss, casting a long shadow over Sudan’s future and dimming the prospects of a generation whose lives are being shaped by violence. If the conflict continues to 2030, Sudan’s economy in 2043 would be about $34.5 billion smaller than it would have been without the war, and GDP per capita would drop by roughly $1,700.