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Michael Jordan, the legendary basketball player, has found a new winning formula in Nascar. His team, 23XI Racing, has stormed to the top of the Cup series standings in 2026, with Tyler Reddick claiming four wins in the first six events, including a victory in the Daytona 500.Jordan's foray into Nascar ownership began in 2021 with a joint venture with Denny Hamlin, a prominent driver and Jordan Brand ambassador. The team's rapid rise to prominence has been fueled by Jordan's competitive drive and leadership style, which he attributes to his basketball background. "I'm cursed with this competitive gene, that anything I do is from a competitive lens," Jordan explained in an interview with CBS's Gayle King.The team's success has not been limited to Reddick, with Bubba Wallace, the No 45 car driver, consistently finishing in the top 11 through the first five races. Jordan's leadership approach, which emphasizes performing at the highest level and taking calculated risks, has drawn comparisons to his basketball career. "He emphasizes doing what you need to do to make sure you're performing at your highest level and taking that game-winning shot," said Dave Rogers, 23XI's senior director of competition.Jordan's entry into Nascar was not without controversy. In October 2025, 23XI Racing filed an antitrust lawsuit against Nascar, challenging the sport's charter system and revenue distribution model. The lawsuit led to the resignation of Nascar commissioner Steve Phelps in January 2026 and ultimately resulted in a settlement between Jordan and Nascar.Jordan's impact on Nascar extends beyond his team's on-track success. He has been instrumental in promoting diversity and inclusion in the sport, launching 23XI Racing with Bubba Wallace, a trailblazer for racial equality in Nascar. Jordan has also engaged with fans and artists, including rappers Fat Joe and Jadakiss, to help bring Nascar into the 21st century.As Jordan told King, "I'm excited that I'm connected to this sport. I feel like I watch it through the lens of my father, or with my family – and that matters to me." With 23XI Racing's impressive start to the season, it's clear that Michael Jordan has found a new passion and a winning formula in Nascar.

The Norwegian Nobel Committee, which awards the Nobel Peace Prize, has publicly condemned Moscow’s latest effort to label the human‑rights organisation Memorial as an "extremist organisation". Chairman Jørgen Watne Frydnes said the committee is "deeply alarmed" by the Russian authorities’ attempt to dismantle a co‑recipient of the 2022 Peace Prize. According to the statement released on Wednesday, Russia’s Supreme Court is set to review a petition from the Ministry of Justice that seeks to add Memorial to the nation’s list of “undesirable” entities. If approved, the designation would ban the group from operating within Russia and expose anyone associated with it to up to four years in prison and substantial fines. Memorial, already branded a “foreign agent” and ordered dissolved by the Supreme Court at the end of 2021, would see all of its activities criminalised under the new petition, Frydnes warned. He added that even sharing the organisation’s published material could lead to imprisonment. “To designate such an organisation as extremist is an affront to the fundamental values of human dignity and freedom of expression,” Frydnes asserted, urging Russian officials to withdraw the claim immediately and cease all harassment of Memorial and its members. Memorial shared the 2022 Nobel Peace Prize with Ukraine’s Centre for Civil Liberties and Belarusian activist Ales Bialiatski. Founded in 1987, Memorial specialises in documenting human‑rights violations across Russia and once operated a network of roughly 50 affiliated groups both inside and outside the country. Several of these affiliates continue their work from bases in Germany, France and Italy. Key figures from Memorial have faced criminal proceedings in Russia. Notably, activist Oleg Orlov, who was sentenced for speaking out against the war in Ukraine, was released in a 2024 prisoner exchange and now works abroad to continue documenting abuses. The committee’s statement concludes with a direct appeal: Russian authorities should immediately rescind the extremist label and halt any further intimidation of the organisation and its supporters.

Assam, India – Under the sweltering April sun, Akram Ali stood amid the rubble of his four‑room house, a home he had built over 45 years ago. The demolition, part of a government‑led bulldozing operation on March 14, turned his residence into a pile of debris.Bulldozers descended on Islampur, a Muslim‑majority neighbourhood on the outskirts of Guwahati, and for four hours razed homes across 177 hectares (437 acres). The sweep rendered 400 families homeless, including Ali, who now lives in a tarpaulin shanty a few kilometres from his former home.Ali, a daily‑wage worker, told Al Jazeera that despite identifying as Goriya – “son of the soil” – his house was destroyed. The Goriyas are an Assamese‑speaking Muslim community traditionally settled in the tea‑belt region. In 2022, the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) officially recognised the Goriya, along with four other Muslim sub‑groups, as “Indigenous” to Assam.While this designation has afforded the Indigenous Muslims a degree of cultural safety, it has not shielded them from the state’s aggressive land‑clearance drives. Ali questioned the distinction, asking, “Weren’t our homes demolished because we are Muslims?”Muslims make up more than a third of Assam’s 31 million residents, according to the 2011 census. Of these, roughly 6.3 million are Bengali‑speaking “miyas,” often labelled “outsiders,” while about 4 million belong to Indigenous groups like the Goriya.The BJP, led nationally by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, has been courting the Indigenous Muslim vote ahead of the April 2026 state elections, where it seeks a third consecutive term after governing since 2016. Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma, who has spearheaded the party’s crackdown on “miyas” since 2021, claims the government will “never target” Indigenous Muslims.Political analyst Bonojit Hussain explains that the BJP’s outreach serves two purposes: softening its communal image and capturing decisive vote blocks in constituencies where Indigenous Muslims and Hindus together decide the outcome. In seats such as Nalbari, where Indigenous Muslims account for over 25 % of the electorate, and Barkhetri, with roughly 80,000 Muslim voters, the community’s support can swing the result.Upper Assam, a region with a strong Assamese‑speaking identity, is especially critical. Journalist Firoz Khan notes that Indigenous Muslims influence the outcome in seven or eight of the 39 seats there, prompting the BJP to temper its overtly anti‑Muslim rhetoric in the area.Despite the party’s overtures, many Indigenous Muslims remain skeptical. Moinul Islam, spokesperson for the rights group Sadou Asom Goria Jatiya Parishad, warned that the BJP’s broader anti‑Muslim policies—evictions, voter‑list objections, and alleged deportations—are unlikely to win their votes.Earlier in 2025, similar demolition drives displaced hundreds of Goriya families in Lakhimpur and Golaghat districts, and a systematic campaign to challenge Muslim names on electoral rolls further strained relations.BJP spokesman Kishore Upadhyay dismissed the allegations as “malicious, biased and politically motivated,” but Indigenous groups argue the pattern signals an attempt to erase their cultural legacy.Recent actions by the state government reinforce this perception. Chief Minister Sarma renamed the only medical college in Barpeta—previously bearing the name of Goriya freedom fighter Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed—arguing that institutions should reflect their geographic location. Critics view the move as symbolic of a broader effort to marginalise Muslim contributions to Assam’s history.In December 2025, Sarma also proposed dropping the hyphen in “Sankar‑Azan,” a name that celebrated the syncretic legacy of 15th‑century polymath Srimanta Sankardev and 17th‑century Sufi saint Azan Peer. Communist Party member Isfaqur Rahman warned that such revisions reflect a “slow erasure of Assamese Muslim heritage.”For Ali, the demolition has hardened his political stance. “After being evicted, the chief minister called us illegal immigrants and broke our backs by destroying our homes,” he said. “We are the new miyas.”

The temporary cease‑fire in the US‑Israel‑Iran war has given Iran and China a strategic opening to challenge the US dollar’s supremacy in global finance. Both nations share a common objective: to reduce reliance on the greenback, especially in the oil sector where, according to a 2023 JP Morgan estimate, roughly 80% of transactions are settled in dollars. In a practical step toward this goal, Iran’s de‑facto toll‑booth system in the Strait of Hormuz—a chokepoint that handles about one‑fifth of the world’s oil and LNG shipments—has started accepting transit fees in Chinese yuan. Lloyd’s List reported that at least two vessels had already paid in yuan by March 25, and China’s Ministry of Commerce later acknowledged the reports on social media. Iran’s embassy in Zimbabwe even called for the introduction of a “petroyuan” to the global oil market, underscoring the political symbolism of the move. While Tehran pledged to guarantee safe passage for two weeks under a US‑brokered cease‑fire, Beijing declined to comment. Harvard economist Kenneth Rogoff told Al Jazeera that Iran’s actions serve a dual purpose: they “poke a thumb in the United States’s eye” and provide a practical alternative to dollar‑based sanctions. Rogoff added that Iran’s shift to yuan aligns with China’s broader effort to redenominate trade among BRICS nations. For both countries, the yuan offers a way to sidestep US sanctions and lower transaction costs. Their trade relationship, cemented by a 25‑year strategic partnership signed in 2021, sees China buying over 80% of Iran’s oil—often at discounted rates—while Iran imports Chinese machinery, electronics, chemicals, and industrial components. Data from Kpler and TankerTrackers indicate that, despite the conflict, Iran’s oil exports to China have remained near pre‑war levels, ranging between 12 million and 13.7 million barrels in the first two weeks of hostilities. China’s ambition to elevate the yuan is long‑standing. President Xi Jinping, in a 2024 address, expressed hope that the yuan would become a global reserve currency. Yet significant hurdles remain: the yuan is not freely convertible due to strict capital controls, and the Chinese financial system is perceived as opaque, limiting broader adoption. According to the IMF, the dollar still dominated global foreign‑exchange reserves at 57% last year, far ahead of the euro’s 20% and the yuan’s modest 2%. Cross‑border trade settled in yuan rose to 3.7% in 2024, up from under 1% in 2012, per S&P; Global—an encouraging but limited shift. Natixis chief economist Alicia Garcia‑Herrero cautioned that the Strait of Hormuz experiment adds only “incremental pressure” and that a true “de‑dollarisation” would require Gulf states, which have priced oil in dollars since the 1970s in exchange for US security guarantees. European analyst Hosuk Lee‑Makiyama highlighted that China’s ability to supply Iran with essential goods makes the yuan a viable alternative, a dynamic not possible for Europe or Japan. He described China as the closest the world has seen to a “manufacturing one‑stop shop.” Consultancy founder Dan Steinbock echoed that while the dollar’s supremacy is unlikely to crumble overnight, the gradual increase in yuan usage could “chip away” at US dominance in specific sectors over time. Rogoff concluded that the long‑term impact hinges on the war’s outcome. If Iran and China emerge stronger, many countries may diversify away from the dollar to avoid US‑imposed financial constraints. Conversely, a decisive US victory could reinforce dollar hegemony for the foreseeable future.

The chief executive of the British Horseracing Authority (BHA), Brant Dunshea, announced that the sport is prepared to consider more direct‑action protests as it confronts the government’s proposal to introduce affordability checks for punters. Last September’s one‑day strike, which forced the cancellation of four meetings, proved decisive: it helped the government abandon a planned increase in betting tax from 15% to 21%, a rise the BHA estimated would have cost the industry £330 million. Following the “Axe the Racing Tax” campaign, the BHA is now urging the government to rethink the affordability checks that could require up to 120,000 regular gamblers to provide personal documentation, according to the Betting and Gaming Council. Independent modelling by EY suggests that as many as 44,000 bettors might migrate to black‑market operators, eroding the industry’s betting turnover by tens of millions of pounds. Betting turnover has already fallen by £2 billion since 2021. The Gambling Commission is slated to decide on the checks next month, while more than 400 racing figures – including trainers and MPs – have signed an open letter to Culture Secretary Lisa Nandy demanding intervention. “Our campaign will continue, and direct action is part of our broader strategy, though we will not discuss specifics publicly,” Dunshea said. He highlighted the power of collective action, noting that the industry’s cultural and economic significance was recognised in the government’s recent budget announcement. Recent pilot schemes, involving three credit‑reference agencies, produced inconsistent outcomes for the same individuals, raising concerns that the checks could push more punters toward illegal markets. Data from Yield Sec shows that the share of the UK gambling market held by black‑market operators surged from 0.43% in 2020 to 9% last year, with £379 million wagered on unlicensed platforms that do not contribute to the exchequer. Dunshea stressed that any affordability measure must be truly frictionless. “Consumers are price‑sensitive and protective of their personal data; any intervention that feels invasive will drive them elsewhere,” he warned. Amid the upcoming Grand National at Aintree, Dunshea expressed surprise at recent comments from the RSPCA regarding horse deaths at Cheltenham, reaffirming the BHA’s commitment to a collaborative relationship with the animal‑welfare charity. He noted that over the past 25 years, the industry has invested £60 million in equine welfare, reducing fatality rates to 0.22% of runners, and emphasized that the BHA will continue to work constructively with the RSPCA despite recent tensions.

A Network Rail worker has emerged victorious in a race harassment case after his colleagues left an anti-Islam English Defence League (EDL) leaflet in his locker. Parmjit Bassi, based at Eastleigh depot in Hampshire, was found to be a victim of a racist attack when a co-worker stuffed the EDL leaflet in his locker, questioning what individuals were doing to protect their children from Islam.The leaflet, produced by the far-right group EDL, asked questions that implied a threat to the worker, regardless of his religious background. Bassi, who is not a Muslim, was also accused of committing a high-profile stabbing when colleagues placed a newspaper page in his locker about a knife attack.The Southampton employment tribunal ruled that the incidents were 'clear slights' against Bassi's race and that Network Rail managers had a 'laissez-faire attitude' towards them. The tribunal concluded that the company's inaction was 'weak management' that only strengthened the bullies' position at the expense of Bassi.Bassi successfully sued Network Rail and is now in line to receive compensation. The case highlights the importance of addressing workplace bullying and racial harassment. The tribunal's decision emphasizes that racial harassment can occur even if the victim does not belong to the targeted group, in this case, Islam.The incidents led to Bassi being moved to a different team and eventually dismissed in April 2021. He appealed against the decision but it was upheld, leading him to take Network Rail to the employment tribunal with claims of racial harassment and unfair dismissal, both of which were successful.

Bill Ackman's Pershing Square has unveiled a €55.75 bn cash‑and‑shares bid to acquire Universal Music Group (UMG), valuing the label at €30.40 per share – a 78% premium over the previous close of €17.10. The proposal translates to roughly $64.31 bn, positioning it as one of the largest recent takeovers in the entertainment sector. The offer is tied to a strategic plan to relocate UMG’s primary listing from Amsterdam to New York. A U.S. listing would broaden the investor base, potentially attracting index funds and enhancing liquidity, which Ackman argues could lift earnings and drive a higher market valuation. In a letter to UMG’s board, Ackman praised chairman‑CEO Lucian Grainge while criticizing what he described as an “underutilized balance sheet” and the company’s €2.7 bn investment in Spotify Technology. He suggested that a refreshed governance structure – including former Hollywood super‑agent Michael Ovitz as board chair and two Pershing Square directors – would better position the label for future growth. Market reaction was immediate: UMG shares jumped 13% on the news, while Bollore Group’s stock rose 5% and Vivendi’s shares climbed over 10%. Pershing Square currently holds a 4.7% stake in UMG, making it the fourth‑largest shareholder. Key shareholders whose support is essential include Bollore Group (18.5% stake), Vivendi (13.4%), and China’s Tencent. Notably, the Bollore family controls about 80% of UMG’s voting rights, giving it decisive influence over any transaction. Industry analysts point to several headwinds that have pressured UMG’s share price, which has fallen nearly one‑third since its 2021 IPO. Streaming growth is decelerating, and concerns about AI‑generated music – from copyright disputes to fully synthetic songs – are reshaping the competitive landscape. A recent survey found that 97% of listeners can differentiate between AI‑created tracks and human‑composed music. Despite these challenges, global music revenues continue to rise year over year, prompting major labels such as Sony and Warner Music to double‑down on streaming partnerships with platforms like Spotify, Amazon, Apple and Deezer. Under the proposed structure, Pershing’s SPARC Holdings would merge with UMG, creating a Nevada‑incorporated entity listed on the New York Stock Exchange. If approved, the deal could set a precedent for how legacy entertainment firms adapt to evolving technology and investor expectations.

Ben Roberts‑Smith, a former Australian special‑forces operative, was taken into custody at Sydney Airport on Tuesday after the Australian Federal Police (AFP) announced he faces five separate war‑crime counts linked to the killing of five individuals in Afghanistan from 2009 to 2012. The charges, each punishable by life imprisonment, allege that the victims were unarmed civilians who were not engaged in hostilities at the time of their deaths. AFP Commissioner Krissy Barrett told reporters that the prosecution will argue the victims were shot either directly by Roberts‑Smith or by subordinates acting on his orders while he was present. Barrett emphasized that the accusations stem from a "complex" investigation conducted jointly by the AFP and the Office of the Special Investigator, a probe that began in 2021. The New South Wales Local Court has scheduled a bail hearing for Roberts‑Smith on Wednesday, where he will appear before a magistrate. This arrest follows a high‑profile legal defeat for Roberts‑Smith: an Australian judge in 2023 ruled that journalists who reported he was "complicit in and responsible for the murder" of unarmed Afghan men had not defamed him, a decision upheld by the Full Court of the Federal Court in May of the previous year. Rawan Arraf, executive director of the Australian Centre for International Justice, described the development as a "significant and long‑awaited step for victims and affected communities" in Afghanistan. She added that prosecuting alleged war crimes by Australian special‑forces personnel is essential for delivering justice and for Australia to meet its international law obligations. Since the 2001 NATO‑led intervention, roughly 39,000 Australian soldiers have served in Afghanistan, supporting operations against the Taliban and other armed groups. Roberts‑Smith, who previously received the Victoria Cross for his fifth tour, was regarded as the most‑decorated living Australian war veteran before the charges. The case also revives attention on former army lawyer David McBride, who remains incarcerated for disclosing information about alleged Australian war crimes in Afghanistan. In response to Roberts‑Smith’s arrest, Senator David Shoebridge posted a brief message on X urging the release of McBride.

On Halloween night in 2022, the 33‑year‑old Los Angeles‑based musician Angelo De Augustine collapsed at home, experiencing a cascade of sensory failures that left him unable to see, hear or move properly. Family members rushed him to the hospital, where doctors ran extensive tests but could not pinpoint a diagnosis, ultimately sending him home with a warning to return only if he became completely deaf or blind. Faced with a semi‑incapacitated body, De Augustine’s sole focus became completing the album he had been crafting for the previous year, Toil and Trouble. He admits he believed he might not survive the illness, yet he pushed through the pain, hoping to finish the record before his presumed death. De Augustine’s career had been gaining momentum. After his 2014 debut Spirals of Silence, he joined Sufjan Stevens’ label Asthmatic Kitty for 2017’s Swim Inside the Moon and later co‑produced the acclaimed 2021 collaboration A Beginner’s Mind. A 2019 track, “Time,” from the album Tomb, amassed over 31 million streams after featuring in Zach Braff’s film A Good Person, but the artist was too ill to capitalize on its success. Recovery was gradual and arduous. Over three years De Augustine relearned basic functions—walking, speaking, hearing, and playing instruments. Those challenges informed his newest work, Angel in Plainclothes, an album that contemplates mortality and the fleeting nature of life through ethereal soundscapes. Musically, the record draws on influences ranging from Nick Drake’s wistfulness to early Paul Simon’s lyricism. Tracks such as “Spirit of the Unknown” celebrate simple joys, while the lead single “Mirror Mirror” uses a reflective metaphor to describe his feeling of being a ghost watching life from the sidelines. He records from a studio he calls “A Secret Place,” emphasizing the intimate, introspective tone of the project. Recent research, De Augustine notes, suggests that chronic stress can overload the central nervous system, causing the body to shut down—a possible explanation for his 2022 episode. He points to the relentless pressures of the music industry as a likely source of that prolonged anxiety. Born to musical parents—his mother Wendy Fraser sang on the Dirty Dancing soundtrack—De Augustine originally pursued soccer before injuries redirected him toward music. Largely self‑taught, he began writing original material without formal lessons, a factor he believes gives his songs a distinctive edge. During his convalescence he moved back in with his mother, unable even to prepare meals. A breakthrough came when he discovered that immersion in water alleviated his symptoms, prompting a deeper awareness of his stress levels. A disciplined regimen of physical and mental exercises helped rewire his nervous system, gradually restoring his ability to play guitar and sing. When his health permitted, De Augustine returned to the studio, this time enlisting collaborators such as string arranger Oliver Hill, harpist Leng Bian, producer Thomas Bartlett (aka Doveman), and his mother on percussion. Drummer Jonathan Wilson contributed drums and offered his Topanga Canyon studio for the track “The Cure,” a song that likens illness to addiction. The album’s sonic palette is enriched by antique instruments—a bowed psaltery, aquarion, Marxophone, bass recorder, train whistle, 1960s German guitaret, miniature accordion, and a 1990s synthesiser version of a Japanese koto harp—underscoring De Augustine’s penchant for unconventional textures. After a five‑year hiatus from live performance, he returned to the stage last year, describing the experience as “amazing” despite its challenges. Though he acknowledges he is not yet fully healed, he feels he is emerging as a blend of his former self and a newly humbled individual who no longer takes life for granted. Reflecting on his journey, De Augustine says, “For so long my only focus was to be a great songwriter, and perhaps I paid the price for that. Now I’m trying to live a good life rather than chase outcomes.” Angel in Plainclothes was released via Asthmatic Kitty on 24 April, offering listeners a glimpse into his renewed perspective and artistic resilience.