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Beirut, Lebanon – In late March, authorities abandoned a proposed shelter for war‑displaced residents in the Karantina neighbourhood after a wave of public protest.Opponents, including local politicians and community activists, cited practical concerns such as traffic congestion near the port and health risks. However, the core of the backlash was sectarian: many Christian residents invoked demographic fears, chanting slogans reminiscent of the 1975‑1990 Lebanese Civil War to block housing for the predominantly Shia‑Muslim displaced population.The controversy resurfaced painful memories of the 1976 Karantina massacre, when right‑wing Phalangist forces expelled and killed thousands of Muslims. Historian Diala Lteif, researching the district’s history, estimates the death toll at 1,000‑3,000. She warned that the current rhetoric mirrors the “foundational logic” of that tragedy – a drive to segregate neighbourhoods.Israel’s intensified campaign against Lebanon has already forced the displacement of approximately 1.2 million people. The war, reignited on March 2 after Hezbollah’s retaliatory rocket fire, has seen Israeli troops and air strikes devastate southern towns and parts of Beirut, heightening fears that hosting displaced families could draw further attacks.Amid these tensions, a 10‑day ceasefire is slated to begin, yet many Lebanese worry the violence could spiral into renewed communal conflict or even a civil war.Experts note that the association of displaced Shia communities with Hezbollah fuels anxiety. Lara Deeb, an anthropologist at Scripps College, explained that Lebanon’s sectarian political system blurs the line between a religious group and a political party, amplifying mistrust across the board.While the cancelled site remains unused, another displacement centre operated by the Lebanese charity Offre Joie continues to function in Karantina. It currently shelters about 1,000 displaced families from the south, the Bekaa Valley, and Beirut’s southern suburbs.Volunteer Marie Daou described the centre’s conditions as comparatively decent, with reliable hot water and regular meals. Security forces monitor the residents’ identities, and no occupants have left despite more than 40 days of conflict.One resident, 30‑year‑old Nadine, fled her home in Burj al‑Barajneh on March 2. She now lives with five siblings at the centre, saying, “For now, we’re staying here. You can’t go back because there is danger, but nowhere is safe. We will endure.”The episode highlights how historic sectarian wounds intersect with today’s geopolitical crisis, shaping public policy and community responses in a Lebanon already strained by war and displacement.

West Bengal’s electoral rolls have been slashed by over nine million names, representing roughly 12 % of the state’s 76 million registered voters, after the Election Commission of India (ECI) completed its Special Intensive Revision (SIR) earlier this month. The purge has hit the Muslim community hardest. In districts where Muslims form a sizable share of the electorate, deletions total 460,000 in Murshidabad, 330,000 in North 24 Parganas and 240,000 in Malda. Analysts say the pattern suggests a strategic effort to reshape the voter base ahead of the assembly election scheduled for April 23 and April 29, with results due on May 4. One of the most striking cases is that of Nabijan Mondal, 73, who has voted in every national, state and local election for the past five decades. She discovered her name missing from the new list because her voter card bears the nickname “Nabijan” while her Aadhaar and ration cards use the formal name “Nabirul.” Her husband, children and their spouses remain on the roll, leaving her unable to vote. Overall, nearly six million of the removed voters were classified as absent, shifted, dead or duplicate, while the remaining three million must appeal to special tribunals. However, the Supreme Court of India has ruled that those with pending tribunal cases cannot cast ballots in the upcoming election, though it may permit the ECI to issue supplementary lists. West Bengal’s Muslim population stands at about 25 million (27 % of the state’s 106 million residents). The Trinamool Congress (TMC), led by Mamata Banerjee, has governed the state since 2011 and relies heavily on Muslim support to counter the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). Banerjee has accused the ECI of partisan bias, claiming the SIR was “selectively applied … to benefit the BJP.” Conversely, the BJP frames the revision as a necessary measure against “illegal infiltrators,” linking the exercise to concerns over cross‑border migration from Bangladesh and Rohingya refugees. Independent research by the Kolkata‑based SABAR Institute supports the allegation of disproportionate impact. In the contested constituencies of Nandigram and Bhabanipur, where the BJP’s Suvendu Adhikari is challenging TMC leaders, over 95 % of the deleted names in Nandigram were Muslims, and 40 % of deletions in Bhabanipur involved Muslim voters, despite Muslims comprising only 25 % and 20 % of the respective populations. Women appear especially vulnerable. Legal scholar Swati Narayan notes that patrilocal customs and frequent name changes after marriage create documentation gaps that the SIR process penalises. Jesmina Khatun, a 31‑year‑old from Gobindapur, lost her name over a minor spelling inconsistency in her father’s surname, illustrating how minor clerical errors can disenfranchise voters. Political commentator Yogendra Yadav warns that the SIR places an “excessive burden” on female voters, who must produce proof from their natal homes while men can rely on documents from their current residence. With tribunals unlikely to clear the backlog before polling day, thousands of eligible citizens risk being excluded from a pivotal election that could reshape the political landscape of India’s most populous state.

Pope Leo XIV arrived in Algeria on Monday, inaugurating the first papal visit to the country and the opening leg of an ambitious 11‑day African tour that includes Cameroon, Angola and Equatorial Guinea. The trip, the longest since his election in May 2025, signals a strategic shift toward the continent.The choice of Africa sends a clear message, according to scholars, that the continent is now a top priority for the Church. Professor Adriaan van Klinken of the University of Leeds notes that Africa now accounts for roughly 20% of the world’s Catholics, making it one of the fastest‑growing Catholic regions, while western Europe’s Catholic numbers are in decline.In the past year, 14 new dioceses have been established across Africa, and the Catholic population has risen by 7 million, according to John Pontifex of Aid to the Church in Need UK. He describes the continent as “coming of age” in Catholicism.Upon landing at Algiers International Airport, Pope Leo was greeted by Algerian President Abdelmadjid Tebboune and later visited the Maqam Echahid, a monument honoring those who died in Algeria’s 1954‑62 war for independence.Father Peter Claver Kogh, rector of the Basilica of Our Lady of Africa, framed the visit as a bridge‑building effort between Christians and Muslims, emphasizing a “climate of peace and tolerance.” He added that the world “needs a fraternal living and harmony” now more than ever.For biographer Austen Ivereigh, the trip continues Pope Francis’s legacy of interfaith dialogue, recalling the 2019 “human fraternity” accord signed with Muslim leaders in the UAE. John Pontifex also highlighted the visit’s timing amid a decline in religious freedom for Christians and liberal Muslims in Algeria.Lucy Esipila of Caritas Africa expects the journey to bolster Catholic communities facing conflict, debt and inequality, describing it as a vivid expression of “synodality” – the Church walking together with peripheral voices.Algeria holds special significance for Pope Leo, the first pontiff from the Augustinian order, as the birthplace of Saint Augustine. Professor Anna Rowlands of Durham University points out that North Africa was a cradle of early Christianity, underscoring the region’s deep theological heritage.The African focus comes as Pope Leo declined an invitation to the United States, opting instead to visit Lampedusa on July 4, a key entry point for migrants crossing the Mediterranean. Historian Dr Miles Pattenden suggests this contrast sends a powerful message to both European leaders and African communities.Father Kogh summed up the atmosphere in Algiers: “It’s a feeling of joy… a message of peace, coexistence and fraternity.”

Israel's far-right National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir has stormed the Al-Aqsa Mosque compound in occupied East Jerusalem's Old City, marking his third incursion into Islam's third holiest site this year. The move has sparked widespread condemnation from Palestinians and Jordan.Ben-Gvir, accompanied by Israeli settlers and under heavy protection from Israeli forces, offered Jewish prayers at the site, which is not allowed for non-Muslims under the status quo arrangement in place since 1967. The arrangement permits Jewish people to visit the compound but prohibits them from praying there.The Palestinian Authority's presidency has condemned the storming of the mosque compound, calling it a blatant violation of the historical and legal status quo at the holy site. Jordan's Foreign Ministry also expressed concern, viewing Ben-Gvir's visit as a violation of the status quo agreement and a desecration of the site's sanctity.This incident is part of a growing trend of Israeli settler incursions into Al-Aqsa, with Ben-Gvir having stormed the mosque compound at least 16 times since taking office in 2022. The far-right Israeli minister has expressed his intention to build a Jewish synagogue in place of the holy Muslim site.In a video filmed at the site, Ben-Gvir said, "Today, I feel like the owner here. There is still more to do, more to improve. I keep pushing the prime minister [Benjamin Netanyahu] to do more and more."The incident has occurred amid continued Israeli raids across the occupied West Bank, with at least 18 Palestinians arrested on Sunday. The United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) reports that more than 1,100 Palestinians have been killed by Israeli forces and settlers in the occupied West Bank since October 2023, with thousands forcibly displaced.

Muslim worshippers gathered at the Al-Aqsa Mosque in Jerusalem on Friday to perform their first communal prayers since the site's reopening. The mosque, a significant religious site for Muslims, had been closed for an undisclosed period.The Friday prayers mark a notable return to normalcy for the Muslim community, allowing them to once again utilize the mosque for their religious practices.

Assam, India – Under the sweltering April sun, Akram Ali stood amid the rubble of his four‑room house, a home he had built over 45 years ago. The demolition, part of a government‑led bulldozing operation on March 14, turned his residence into a pile of debris.Bulldozers descended on Islampur, a Muslim‑majority neighbourhood on the outskirts of Guwahati, and for four hours razed homes across 177 hectares (437 acres). The sweep rendered 400 families homeless, including Ali, who now lives in a tarpaulin shanty a few kilometres from his former home.Ali, a daily‑wage worker, told Al Jazeera that despite identifying as Goriya – “son of the soil” – his house was destroyed. The Goriyas are an Assamese‑speaking Muslim community traditionally settled in the tea‑belt region. In 2022, the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) officially recognised the Goriya, along with four other Muslim sub‑groups, as “Indigenous” to Assam.While this designation has afforded the Indigenous Muslims a degree of cultural safety, it has not shielded them from the state’s aggressive land‑clearance drives. Ali questioned the distinction, asking, “Weren’t our homes demolished because we are Muslims?”Muslims make up more than a third of Assam’s 31 million residents, according to the 2011 census. Of these, roughly 6.3 million are Bengali‑speaking “miyas,” often labelled “outsiders,” while about 4 million belong to Indigenous groups like the Goriya.The BJP, led nationally by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, has been courting the Indigenous Muslim vote ahead of the April 2026 state elections, where it seeks a third consecutive term after governing since 2016. Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma, who has spearheaded the party’s crackdown on “miyas” since 2021, claims the government will “never target” Indigenous Muslims.Political analyst Bonojit Hussain explains that the BJP’s outreach serves two purposes: softening its communal image and capturing decisive vote blocks in constituencies where Indigenous Muslims and Hindus together decide the outcome. In seats such as Nalbari, where Indigenous Muslims account for over 25 % of the electorate, and Barkhetri, with roughly 80,000 Muslim voters, the community’s support can swing the result.Upper Assam, a region with a strong Assamese‑speaking identity, is especially critical. Journalist Firoz Khan notes that Indigenous Muslims influence the outcome in seven or eight of the 39 seats there, prompting the BJP to temper its overtly anti‑Muslim rhetoric in the area.Despite the party’s overtures, many Indigenous Muslims remain skeptical. Moinul Islam, spokesperson for the rights group Sadou Asom Goria Jatiya Parishad, warned that the BJP’s broader anti‑Muslim policies—evictions, voter‑list objections, and alleged deportations—are unlikely to win their votes.Earlier in 2025, similar demolition drives displaced hundreds of Goriya families in Lakhimpur and Golaghat districts, and a systematic campaign to challenge Muslim names on electoral rolls further strained relations.BJP spokesman Kishore Upadhyay dismissed the allegations as “malicious, biased and politically motivated,” but Indigenous groups argue the pattern signals an attempt to erase their cultural legacy.Recent actions by the state government reinforce this perception. Chief Minister Sarma renamed the only medical college in Barpeta—previously bearing the name of Goriya freedom fighter Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed—arguing that institutions should reflect their geographic location. Critics view the move as symbolic of a broader effort to marginalise Muslim contributions to Assam’s history.In December 2025, Sarma also proposed dropping the hyphen in “Sankar‑Azan,” a name that celebrated the syncretic legacy of 15th‑century polymath Srimanta Sankardev and 17th‑century Sufi saint Azan Peer. Communist Party member Isfaqur Rahman warned that such revisions reflect a “slow erasure of Assamese Muslim heritage.”For Ali, the demolition has hardened his political stance. “After being evicted, the chief minister called us illegal immigrants and broke our backs by destroying our homes,” he said. “We are the new miyas.”

In the run-up to the state assembly election in Assam, India, the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) is employing a strategy that combines Hindu nationalism with welfare schemes to woo voters.The party, led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, has been accused of pursuing a hardline Hindu supremacist agenda in Assam, coupled with a xenophobic campaign targeting the state's Muslim population, which constitutes 34% of Assam's 31 million people.At a recent election rally in Morigaon district, BJP leaders highlighted the welfare schemes launched by Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma's government, including a direct benefit transfer scheme called Orunodoi, which provides financial aid to women. Nitin Nabin, the BJP's national president, claimed these schemes benefited the Assamese people, especially women.The BJP's strategy in Assam has been described as a 'cocktail of Hindutva and welfarism' by Akhil Ranjan Dutta, a political science professor at Assam's Gauhati University. 'The BJP is experimenting with a brand of Hindutva by co-opting Indigenous armed struggle and cultural nationalism, while solidifying Hindu identity and othering the Bengali Muslims.'The party's election promises have heightened anxiety among Bengali-speaking Muslims, who fear more crackdowns on their community, including a proposal to implement a Uniform Civil Code, which critics say will override Muslim personal laws.Opposition parties and analysts argue that the BJP is mainly milking two cash transfer schemes – Orunodoi and Udyamita – to influence voters in this election. Economist Joydeep Baruah estimates that at least 10 to 15% of the scheme's four million women beneficiaries could vote for the BJP.The BJP's tactics have been criticized by opposition parties and human rights groups, who accuse the party of vote buying and polarizing the electorate along communal lines.

Occupied East Jerusalem – While Holy Week traditionally fills the Old City’s Christian Quarter with pilgrims and worshippers, the streets are now eerily quiet and storefronts remain shuttered.Palestinian shopkeeper Boulos, a man in his mid‑30s who asked to remain anonymous, still drags himself to his modest stall a few times a week, selling religious garments behind a half‑closed door to avoid Israeli orders that mandate closure of businesses in the quarter amid the ongoing US‑Israel conflict with Iran.After six years of pandemic‑related setbacks and successive wars, his business had only begun to recover when the October Gaza ceasefire was followed by a new wave of restrictions. “Before the war with Iran, we barely made enough to survive,” he said. “Now there is no income at all.”His only customer that day was an Ethiopian Christian woman buying a kilo of prayer candles for 35 shekels (about $11.20). “What can 35 shekels do for me?” Boulos lamented, underscoring the stark economic squeeze.Unlike many West Jerusalem shops, which have been allowed to stay open because of nearby bomb shelters, the Old City lacks such protection, leaving Palestinian businesses in the Christian Quarter effectively forced to shut. The area, heavily dependent on tourism, shows the least sign of life.Brother Daoud Kassabry, principal of the College des Frères school, described the scene as “the saddest Jerusalem I have ever seen.” Classes have been suspended for over a month, and the community feels the weight of an unprecedentedly difficult period.For the first time in centuries, Israeli police barred Cardinal Pierbattista Pizzaballa, the Latin Patriarch of Jerusalem, and other senior clergy from entering the Church of the Holy Sepulchre for Palm Sunday Mass. The Latin Patriarchate called the incident “unprecedented in centuries.”At a press conference, Cardinal Pizzaballa emphasized that while “all celebrations” have been cancelled for security reasons, “no one, not even the Pope, can cancel the liturgy of Easter.”Following the incident, leaders from Italy, France and the United States condemned the police action. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu later defended the measure as a safety precaution, citing the absence of bomb shelters near the holy site, despite the cardinal’s residence being only metres away.Netanyahu’s justification raises questions about the long‑standing “status‑quo” arrangement that places custodianship of Christian and Muslim holy sites under the heads of their respective religious institutions and Jordan’s Waqf. Palestinian Christians interpret the rhetoric as evidence of an increasingly hostile environment under Israeli control.Bishop Emeritus Munib Younan recounted being spat on by Jewish yeshiva students in the Old City without any legal consequences. He now prefers to attend services in Bethlehem or a small church outside Jerusalem, where he feels “no one is pointing a gun at you.”“They want to show the world that this country is only meant for them – not Christians, not Muslims,” Younan said, reflecting a sentiment shared by many locals.Netanyahu later announced that religious ceremonies at the Holy Sepulchre would be permitted during Holy Week, but only for clergy, keeping the general public out. Observers noted the inconsistency, pointing out that Muslim worshippers have been barred from the Al‑Aqsa compound since late February, including during Ramadan, with only minimal international rebuke.The cumulative restrictions have crippled the already dwindling Palestinian Christian community, which now makes up less than 2 % of the population in Israel and the occupied territories. Traditional events such as the Way of the Cross procession and Holy Fire Saturday have been cancelled, eroding communal cohesion.Father Faris Abedrabbo of the Annunciation Latin Parish linked the current hardships to the Passion narrative, urging congregants to view their suffering through the lens of “steadfastness” – an active, spiritual resistance rather than passive endurance.Economic despair is prompting a new wave of emigration. Bishop Younan reported that many young Christians ask for help obtaining visas to the United States, Canada or Australia, fearing there is “no future” in Jerusalem. Boulos, the shopkeeper, admits he has considered leaving, noting that “they try to make us lose hope and abandon this land.”Despite the bleak outlook, Boulos continues to visit his shop, saying, “I come here to prove to myself that I still have hope, even if it feels endless.”

Taybeh, a small hilltop town in the heart of the West Bank, is one of the oldest Christian communities in the world. After increasing attacks from Israeli settlers it now feels itself under siege and is fighting for its very existence.The town’s ancient Greek name was Ephraim where, according to the gospels, Jesus hid with his disciples from the Jewish religious hierarchy, the Sanhedrin, before making his final fateful trip to Jerusalem.A church was built here in the fifth century, and the entirely Christian community survived the crusaders, conquest by Salah ad-Din Yusuf ibn Ayyub or Saladin, the Ottoman empire, the British empire, and three Arab-Israeli wars, but its inhabitants say its long-term future is in question.There are four substantial Israeli settlements around Taybeh, and countless unofficial outposts have also sprung up on the steep hills overlooking the Jordan valley. They have been set up by messianic Jews who send their young people, the “hilltop youth”, to harass and intimidate local Palestinians in the surrounding countryside.The relentless land grabs and intimidation is a pattern repeated up and down the West Bank in a campaign the UN has called ethnic cleansing, which has been driven by hardline members of the ruling coalition, the finance minister, Bezalel Smotrich, and the national security minister, Itamar Ben-Gvir.“First they kicked the Bedouin out in the last three years and put up their caravans and bring their cows and sheep. They are using the land without any permission from the owners and from ourselves,” said Fr. Bashar Fawadleh, the parish priest of Christ the Redeemer church.Over the past year, the pressure has been turned up further. In July last year, settlers set fire to the grounds of the fifth–century Byzantine church, St Peter’s. Since then, bands of hilltop youth have raided the town four times, setting fire to cars, slashing tires and smashing windows.The church, part of the Latin Patriarchate of Jerusalem, supports small business ventures to provide jobs and builds affordable housing, but the community is still haemorrhaging. Fifteen families have left in the past two years, leaving the current population at about 1,100.After the attack on St Peter’s church in July, the US ambassador, Mike Huckabee, visited the town to condemn what he called “an act of terror” and to appeal for prosecutions.No prosecutions have been reported, and Huckabee has not spoken out over any of the subsequent attacks on Taybeh. A Southern Baptist minister, the ambassador is a fervent supporter of Israel’s territorial claims to the West Bank and beyond, which he argues are divinely ordained.In the West Bank however, the Christian population has shrunk from 5% of the total population in 1967 to roughly 1% today, about 45,000 people.The fierce religious nationalism that the Israeli government has cultivated in recent years has largely been directed at Palestinian Muslims but there has been a rising tide of anti-Christian incidents.Jad Isaac, the director general of the Applied Research Institute-Jerusalem, which tracks the Israeli takeover of land and resources on the West Bank, said: “When Netanyahu says we are the only country which is taking care of the Christians, he’s a liar. He said that in Palestinian Christian communities in the West Bank “the strategy is to make life intolerable”.