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The Resurgence of Somali PiracyThree vessels have been hijacked off the coast of Somalia in the past week, raising fears of a resurgence in piracy around the Horn of Africa and adding to the woes of the global shipping industry. The merchant vessel Sward was taken over on 26 April, a day after a dhow was seized, following the 21 April hijacking of Honour 25, a motor tanker carrying 18,000 barrels of oil.Recent Hijacking OperationsThe Sward, a cement carrier that departed the port of Suez in Egypt on 13 April, was en route to Mombasa, Kenya, when captured by pirates about 11km from the Somali port town of Garacad. The ship had 17 crew members, 15 from Syria and two from India. After the hijacking, pirates steered the ship toward the coast and anchored it in a remote area near Garacad, with six armed men and an English-Arabic interpreter boarding the vessel.As of Tuesday morning, four more armed men had boarded Sward, bringing the total number of pirates on board to 20. A shipment of khat, a narcotic stimulant, was delivered to the pirates from the inland city of Galkayo, suggesting a well-organized network on land preparing for a potential long siege.Economic Impact on Global ShippingThe surge in piracy comes at a critical time for global shipping, which is already reeling from the near-total closure of the Strait of Hormuz by Iran and attacks by Iranian-backed Yemeni Houthi rebels around the Bab el Mandeb strait. Ships must navigate these waters to exit the Red Sea, one of the world's busiest shipping routes, with many then heading around the Horn of Africa.The Honour 25, carrying 18,000 barrels of oil, represents a particularly valuable target, with potential ransom demands that could reach millions of dollars. The cement carrier Sward, while less valuable in terms of cargo, still represents a significant asset with its crew and vessel.Regional Security ImplicationsPiracy around Somalia peaked in 2011 with 212 attacks, with pirates raiding ships as far as 2,271 miles from the Somali coast in the Indian Ocean. An international naval coalition subsequently reduced incidents to just a handful each year from 2014, but they began rising again in 2023.Jethro Norman, a senior researcher with the Danish Institute for International Studies, noted that pirates have taken advantage of international navies diverting resources toward the Red Sea to combat Houthi attacks, and Puntland's Emirati-backed security forces being stretched thin. Modern technology including GPS, satellite communications, and hijacked dhow motherships now allows pirates to operate hundreds of miles offshore more effectively than previous generations.Future Outlook for Maritime SecurityThe current situation suggests that Somali piracy may be entering a new, more sophisticated phase. With improved technology and land-based support networks, pirates are better equipped than in previous years. The international community may need to reassess its naval presence in the region and develop new strategies to counter this evolving threat.For the global shipping industry, this resurgence adds another layer of complexity to already challenging routes. Increased insurance premiums, rerouting of vessels, and potential delays could further strain supply chains already under pressure from geopolitical tensions in the region.

The maritime security landscape off the Horn of Africa is deteriorating rapidly, with suspected pirates hijacking the cargo vessel Sward on Monday. This marks the second such incident off Somalia in less than a week, raising alarms about the stability of global shipping lanes. The Hijacking of the Sward: A New Chapter in Somali Piracy The Sward, a cargo ship carrying cement from Suez, Egypt, to the Kenyan port of Mombasa, was hijacked approximately 6 nautical miles northeast of the coastal town of Garacad. Flying the flag of St Kitts and Nevis, the vessel is currently assessed to be under pirate control and proceeding toward the Somali coastline. Maritime security group Vanguard confirmed that 15 crew members, comprising 2 Indian nationals and 13 Syrians, are on board. Reports indicate that 9 pirates boarded the ship and took control, with the Puntland Maritime Police Force currently monitoring the situation. Rising Tide of Maritime Attacks This attack is not an isolated event but part of a disturbing trend. Pirate activity has begun to pick up again in late 2023, a period marked by a decline in international anti-piracy patrols and a strategic shift in naval focus toward countering Houthi rebels in Yemen. Recent Incidents: An oil tanker was seized in waters off Somaliland on Wednesday, and armed assailants attacked a commercial tanker off Mogadishu in November. Crew Composition: The Sward's crew highlights the international nature of shipping, with a mix of Indian and Syrian nationals. Historical Context: Somali pirates caused havoc from 2008 to 2018, but the recent resurgence suggests that the security gains of the past decade are eroding. Geopolitical Pressure Cookers The timing of the hijacking is critical, as it coincides with the United States-Israeli war on Iran. The conflict has led to the blockage of the Strait of Hormuz, a vital chokepoint for global oil supplies. This geopolitical crisis is forcing ships to take longer, more expensive routes around the Cape of Good Hope or divert through the Suez Canal, increasing the vulnerability of these alternative paths. Future Outlook for Global Trade Analysts warn that the convergence of a resurgence in piracy and the shutdown of the Strait of Hormuz creates a "perfect storm" for global logistics. Without a significant increase in naval patrols specifically dedicated to the Gulf of Aden and Somali waters, the risk to commercial shipping is expected to rise, potentially leading to further delays and increased insurance premiums for global trade.

The Unseen Threat: Landmine Crisis Persists in Post-Truce YemenDespite a ceasefire agreement in April 2022 that largely stopped fighting between Yemen's government and Houthi forces, the country continues to face a deadly crisis from landmines and explosive remnants of war. These hidden "sleeping killers" have turned fields, roads, and villages into areas of ongoing danger, claiming the lives and limbs of civilians, particularly children, long after the formal cessation of hostilities.Personal Stories of Loss and SurvivalIn August 2023, 13-year-old Enaya Dastor was tending to her goats near her village in central Yemen's Taiz governorate when she stepped on a landmine. The explosion resulted in the amputation of her left leg, leaving her with a lifelong disability. "Landmines are sleeping killers, waiting for the innocents to step on them or move them without caution. That is how they wake up to shed blood and take human souls," Dastor told Al Jazeera.Similarly, Mohammed Mustafa lost his left leg in a landmine explosion in Taiz's Maqbna district in 2018 when he was just 20 years old. After a five-hour ambulance ride to reach medical care, he awoke in the hospital to find his leg amputated up to the knee. Despite his injuries, Mustafa has rebuilt his life as a member of the Yemeni Amputee Football Federation, a father, and a small business owner.Alarming Statistics of Child VictimsThe scale of the landmine crisis is particularly devastating for Yemen's youngest population. According to Save the Children, landmines and explosive remnants of war have killed at least 339 children and injured 843 since the 2022 truce. The organization found that nearly half of child casualties related to the conflict were due to these hidden explosives.A 2022 study by Yemeni human rights groups revealed that 534 children and 177 women were killed by mines between April 2014 and March 2022. Additionally, 854 children, 255 women, and 147 elderly people were injured during the same period across 17 Yemeni provinces, with Taiz recording the highest number of incidents. In the first half of 2025 alone, 107 civilians were killed or injured, most of them children, including five who died while playing football on a dirt field in Taiz.De-mining Efforts Face Significant ObstaclesDespite ongoing de-mining efforts, Yemen faces numerous challenges in addressing the landmine crisis. Project Masam, a de-mining team funded by Saudi Arabia, reported removing 549,452 mines, unexploded ordnance, and improvised explosive devices by March 2026, clearing explosives from 7,799 hectares of land. The Danish Refugee Council has cleared more than 23,302 square meters of Yemeni land from mines and explosive remnants.However, Adel Dashela, a Yemeni researcher focusing on conflict and peace building studies, highlights several obstacles to effective de-mining: "The mines have been planted indiscriminately in different areas, and some of the territories are under the control of different armed groups, which makes them inaccessible to de-miners." Other challenges include the lack of clear maps, shortage of qualified local personnel, and insufficient modern equipment for detecting explosives. Additionally, natural phenomena like the flash floods Yemen experienced in August 2025 can sweep explosives from one area to another, complicating clearance efforts and exposing more people to risk.Humanitarian Crisis Without ResolutionThe persistence of landmines in Yemen represents a complex humanitarian crisis that extends beyond the physical dangers they pose. The presence of these explosives prevents displaced families from returning to their homes, disrupts agricultural activities, and hinders economic recovery in affected areas. For many survivors like Enaya Dastor, the physical injury is accompanied by the loss of home and community, as her family was forced to flee their village and has not returned since the explosion.The landmine crisis also reflects the broader challenges of post-conflict recovery in Yemen, where no final peace agreement has been reached to end the war that began in 2014. Without a comprehensive political solution, the country remains divided, making coordinated de-mining efforts and long-term recovery planning extremely difficult.Hope Amidst Crisis: Survivors Determined to RebuildDespite the devastating impact of landmines on their lives, many Yemeni survivors demonstrate remarkable resilience and determination to rebuild their futures. Enaya Dastor, who lost her leg at age 13, remains focused on her education and aspirations: "Today, I am in tenth grade, and I will finish high school in two years. After that, I will enrol in law college and will graduate as a lawyer. I want to defend those who face injustice.""The injury has changed how I move or walk, and separated my family from our home," Dastor said. "But it cannot disable my mind or stop my dreams." Her determination, along with the efforts of de-mining organizations and the international community, offers a glimmer of hope for Yemen's future, though the path to a mine-free country remains long and uncertain.

U.S. President Donald Trump announced that the next nuclear accord with Iran will be “far better” than the 2015 Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) he abandoned in 2018, adding new demands on enrichment, ballistic missiles and proxy groups as a two‑week cease‑fire in the US‑Israel‑Iran conflict nears its end.Key DevelopmentsTrump asserts the forthcoming deal will surpass the JCPOA, which limited Iran’s uranium enrichment to 3.67% and reduced centrifuges to 6,104.New US‑Israel demands include: zero uranium enrichment, removal of the estimated 440 kg of 60%‑enriched uranium, strict caps on ballistic‑missile development, and a halt to support for Hezbollah, the Houthis and other proxy forces.Negotiations are expected to shift to Islamabad, Pakistan after the current cease‑fire expires.Analyst Andreas Kreig (King’s College London) predicts any new pact will likely resemble the JCPOA with limited tweaks, not the sweeping concessions Trump touts.Data & Market ImpactU.S. sanctions imposed after the 2018 withdrawal cut Iran’s oil exports by roughly 60 %, slashing revenue by an estimated $30 billion per year.Frozen Iranian sovereign assets total about $150 billion; their release would inject significant liquidity into Iran’s banking sector.IAEA reports indicate Iran now holds 440 kg of 60%‑enriched uranium, enough to reach weapons‑grade (90%) in weeks if centrifuge capacity is fully utilized.Why This MattersThe outcome will shape three critical arenas:Regional security: A stricter deal could curb Iran’s missile reach, reducing the threat to Israel’s “Iron Dome” and to Gulf‑state oil infrastructure.Global non‑proliferation: Allowing zero enrichment would set a precedent that could pressure other volatile states to accept similar terms, but it also risks driving Tehran underground if perceived as punitive.Economic stability: Lifting sanctions would revive Iran’s oil exports, potentially adding $20‑30 billion to global supply and influencing crude prices.Expert InsightAndreas Kreig warns that Tehran’s political climate has hardened; the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps now dominates strategic decision‑making, making concessions on sovereignty unlikely. While the United Nations resolution attached to the JCPOA prohibited missile work linked to nuclear delivery, the new U.S. demand for outright missile bans exceeds that framework and could stall talks.Economic incentives—rapid asset release and sanction relief—are the primary leverage for Washington. However, without a credible verification regime comparable to the JCPOA’s intrusive IAEA inspections, any “better” deal may lack enforceability, increasing the risk of clandestine enrichment.What Happens NextNegotiators are expected to convene in Islamabad within the next two weeks; the agenda will likely focus on enrichment thresholds and verification mechanisms.If talks stall, both sides may resort to further kinetic actions, as seen in recent strikes on Natanz, Isfahan and Bushehr facilities.International actors—EU, China, Russia—are poised to mediate, pushing for a compromise that balances sanctions relief with robust monitoring.Long‑term, the region’s stability hinges on whether the U.S. can deliver tangible economic benefits to Iran while securing verifiable limits on its nuclear and missile programs.

The Escalating US-Iran Standoff United States President Donald Trump has claimed a second round of negotiations with Iran will take place in Pakistan on Tuesday as mediators try to revive negotiations before the end of an ongoing yet fragile two-week ceasefire. The announcement on Sunday came alongside a sharp escalation in rhetoric. Trump warned that Iran must agree to a deal "one way or another – the nice way or the hard way" and threatened to target key infrastructure if negotiations fail. He also renewed his threat of striking "bridges and power plants", which experts said could amount to war crimes under international law. Iran, however, has so far denied it will participate in the talks, accusing the US of "armed piracy" after US forces struck and seized an Iran-linked tanker on Sunday, further heightening tensions between the longtime adversaries. US Position and Demands On Sunday, Trump announced that US negotiators would travel to the Pakistani capital, Islamabad, on Monday for talks aimed at ending the US-Israel war on Iran. In a social media post, the president did not say which officials would be sent to the talks. Last weekend's first round of talks, at which Vice President JD Vance led the US delegation, ended without a deal. Trump accused Iran of violating their two-week ceasefire, which is due to expire on Wednesday, by opening fire on Saturday in the Strait of Hormuz. The US president threatened to destroy civilian infrastructure in Iran if it doesn't accept the terms of the deal being offered by the US. "We're offering a very fair and reasonable deal, and I hope they take it because, if they don't, the United States is going to knock out every single power plant, and every single bridge, in Iran," Trump wrote on his Truth Social platform. In a further escalation, Trump said an Iranian-flagged ship called the Touska was "stopped" by US forces in the Gulf of Oman "by blowing a hole in the engine room". He said it was trying to get past the US naval blockade of Iranian ports. US forces boarded the ship and took physical control of the vessel. Iran's Response and Position Iran's Khatam al-Anbiya military headquarters confirmed the US attack on the Iranian-flagged tanker and said it would "respond soon". Then, Iran's Tasnim News Agency reported that Iranian forces had sent drones in the direction of US military ships. Ebrahim Azizi, the head of the Iranian parliament's National Security Committee, told Al Jazeera that Iran's actions during talks with the US are strictly guided by national interests and security. When asked if Tehran intends to participate in the talks in Islamabad, he said, "Iran acts based on national interests." "We see the current negotiations as a continuation of the battlefield, and we see nothing other than the battlefield in this," he said. "If it yields achievements that sustain those of the battlefield, then the negotiation arena is also an opportunity for us … but not if the Americans intend to turn this into a field of excessive demands based on their bullying approach." Key Points of Friction Since the start of the war on February 28, a number of new sticking points have emerged – alongside old challenges: Strait of Hormuz Dispute A central dispute is over the Strait of Hormuz, a critical global shipping route linking the Gulf to the Arabian Sea. One-fifth of the world's oil and liquefied natural gas (LNG) supplies were shipped through the strait before the war began. Iran insists on sovereignty over the waterway, which lies within the territorial waters of Iran and Oman and does not fall into international waters, and stated that only "nonhostile" ships could pass. It has also floated the idea of levying tolls while Washington demands full freedom of navigation. After the war began, Iran in effect closed the strait by forbidding transits, attacking ships and reportedly laying sea mines. Shipping traffic has since dropped by 95 percent. A week ago, the US implemented a blockade of its own. Its Navy has been blocking Iranian ports to pressure Tehran to reopen the vital waterway, adding another obstacle to the talks. According to Rob Geist Pinfold, a lecturer in international security at King's College London, Trump's stance on the strait has shifted during the conflict and remains unclear. "We've had Trump say that he would be open to jointly controlling the Strait of Hormuz with Iran, where both sides collect a toll for shipping," Geist Pinfold noted, calling this "completely different to the demands of the US on paper but also the demands of the US's regional allies like the Gulf states and Israel, … who would regard any deal that entrenches Iranian control of the Strait of Hormuz … as a stab in the back". "This isn't just between the US and Iran. It's about the US having to keep its regional allies on side," Geist Pinfold told Al Jazeera. Nuclear Enrichment Standoff Another core issue is Iran's nuclear programme, particularly its stock of enriched uranium. The US and Israel are pushing for zero uranium enrichment and have accused Iran of working towards building a nuclear weapon while providing no evidence for their claims. Iran has insisted its enrichment effort is for civilian purposes only. It is a signatory to the 1970 Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT). In 2015, the US was a signatory to the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) under then-US President Barack Obama. In that agreement, Iran pledged to limit its uranium enrichment to 3.67 per cent, which is substantially below weapons grade, and to comply with inspections by the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) to insure it wasn't developing nuclear weapons. In return, international sanctions on Iran were lifted. However, in 2018, during his first term, Trump withdrew the US from the JCPOA despite the IAEA saying Iran had complied with the agreement up to that point. In March 2025, Tulsi Gabbard, the US director of national intelligence, testified to Congress that the US "continues to assess that Iran is not building a nuclear weapon". A month later, the IAEA estimated that Iran had 440kg (970lb) of 60-percent enriched uranium. While that is also below weapons grade, it is a short jump to achieve the 90-percent purity needed for atomic weapons production. On Sunday, in strongly worded comments, Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian said Trump had no justification to ⁠⁠"deprive" Iran of its nuclear ⁠⁠rights. Maryam Jamshidi, a law professor at the University of Colorado in Boulder, said Iran's position on enrichment is based on Article IV of the NPT, "which recognises that all state parties [to the treaty] have the inalienable right to research, develop and use nuclear energy for peaceful purposes". "In demanding that Iran have no enrichment, the United States is denying Iran its rights under this treaty," she told Al Jazeera. "In insisting that its right to enrichment be preserved, Iran is expressing a reasonable desire to be treated the same as any other state under international law." Lebanon Conflict Complicates Talks Two days after the first US-Israeli strikes on Tehran on February 28, in which Supreme Leader Ali Khamanei was killed, the Iran-backed Hezbollah group in Lebanon began firing rockets and drones into northern Israel, and Israel struck back, launching an invasion into southern Lebanon. Iran is adamant that its ceasefire with the US extends to Lebanon and is demanding Israel end its offensive against its ally Hezbollah and its invasion of Lebanon. After initially denying the two-week ceasefire included Lebanon, Israel accepted a 10-day truce starting on Thursday night after direct Israel-Lebanon talks. However, that ceasefire is also teetering on collapse amid renewed hostilities. On Monday, the Israeli military claimed that it struck a loaded launch system in the Kfarkela area of southern Lebanon overnight while Hezbollah claimed responsibility for multiple explosions that it said hit a convoy of eight Israeli armoured vehicles, also in southern Lebanon. Hezbollah is Tehran's most powerful ally in the region and a central part of its "axis of resistance", a network of armed groups across the Middle East aligned with Iran against Israel. The network also includes Yemen's Houthis and a collection of armed groups in Iraq. Evolving US Demands Before the US-Israeli war on Iran, Tehran had always insisted negotiations be exclusively focused on Iran's nuclear programme. US demands, however, have extended beyond the nuclear file. Before the war, Washington and Israel demanded severe restrictions on Iran's ballistic missile programme. Iran has said its ability to maintain its missile capabilities is non-negotiable. On February 25, US Secretary of State Marco Rubio warned that Iran's refusal to discuss its missile programme was a "big problem". Yet, since the two-week ceasefire was announced on April 8 and the Pakistan-brokered negotiations began, the US has not made any mention of Iran's ballistic missiles, which have been a major feature in Iran's retaliation against US and Israeli forces. Regime Change and Proxy Support The US and Israel have also made no secret of their desire for a change in Iran's government. Asked two weeks before the war began if he wished for a toppling of the government in Tehran, Trump said: "Seems like that would be the best thing that could happen." After the killing of Khamenei and multiple other senior Iranian leaders, Trump claimed the US-Israel war had in effect brought about "regime change", claiming key leadership layers were "decimated". Experts, however, disputed Trump's assertions, saying the government was very much intact, if not stronger. Salar Mohandesi, a professor at Bowdoin College in Maine, argued that despite US claims, what is happening in Iran does not meet any serious definition of "regime change". "The fundamental structures of the Islamic Republic are intact, and the new leaders are regime loyalists who are arguably more hardline than their assassinated predecessors," he told Al Jazeera. Mohandesi said the war has arguably strengthened the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), something that is an "acceleration of an existing" trend and does not necessarily amount to regime change, "certainly not in the way Trump means it". "Trump's declaration that he has succeeded in 'regime change' is just a rhetorical move to try to claim victory where none exists," he added. Proxy Group Support Three days before the war began during his State of the Union address to the US Congress, Trump accused Iran and "its murderous proxies" of spreading "nothing but terrorism and death and hate". The US and Israel have long demanded Iran stop supporting its nonstate allies – primarily Hezbollah in Lebanon, the Houthis in Yemen and a number of groups in Iraq. Tehran to date has refused to enter into any dialogue about limiting its support for these armed groups. But on Friday, Trump claimed Iran had agreed to almost all of the US demands, including support for its proxies. A statement by Iran's Ministry of Foreign Affairs rejected that any such agreement was in place, saying: "The Americans talk excessively and create noise around the situation. Do not be misled!" Prospects for a Breakthrough On Sunday, Iran's top negotiator and speaker of its parliament, Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, acknowledged that while "conclusions" had been reached on some issues, "we are far from a final agreement." Analyst Geist Pinfold told Al Jazeera that deep divisions between the US and Iran make a comprehensive deal unlikely in the near term despite some openings created by Trump's shifting positions. "The primary complication that would mean a deal is less likely but also one of the potential curveballs that would make a deal more likely is the Trump administration's equivocations regarding what its red lines actually are," he said. "At the moment, the gaps look insurmountable," Geist Pinfold added, noting that "the best-case scenario would be the extension of the ceasefire rather than the actual deal." The US-Iran talks face major structural obstacles despite growing speculation about a negotiated end to the current crisis, according to Bowdoin College's Mohandesi. "Donald Trump feels that he needs to somehow convert this disastrous defeat into some sort of win," he noted, adding: "It's unclear what that would look like at the negotiating table." On the Iranian side, Mohandesi sees little room for compromise on the core strategic issues. "Iran will absolutely not abandon its missile programme. It will not stop supporting its allies in the region, and it will almost certainly not agree to zero enrichment," he said. The academic questioned whether even a restoration of maritime traffic would constitute meaningful success for Washington. Even if Trump "were to somehow convince Iran to return the Strait of Hormuz to the pre-war status quo, it's unclear how that would be a major win since the strait was open before he started the war", Mohandesi said.

In Yemen, the government's efforts to curb the devaluation of the Yemeni riyal have led to a stabilisation of the currency, but have also created a severe liquidity crunch. The Central Bank of Yemen, based in the southern city of Aden, has implemented measures to control currency speculation and provide traders with hard currency.Despite these efforts, cash shortages have worsened, with people in government-controlled cities such as Aden, Taiz, and Mukalla struggling to access Yemeni riyals. Many are unable to convert foreign currency, such as US dollars or Saudi riyals, into local cash, leading to a thriving black market for currency exchange.The cash shortage has paralysed businesses and left many Yemenis unable to access their savings or use their hard currency. Mohammed Omer, a small grocery shop owner in Mukalla, said he has spent hours trying to convert Saudi riyals into Yemeni riyals, but has been unable to do so due to the cash shortage.The Yemeni government has acknowledged the cash shortage and approved short-term measures to address the problem. However, the crisis has highlighted the country's ongoing economic struggles, which have been exacerbated by the war between the Saudi-backed government and the Iran-aligned Houthis.

Sanaa, Yemen – At 7 a.m., 14‑year‑old Qasim wakes, grabs a one‑metre‑by‑half‑metre white sack and heads out to collect plastic bottles, hoping to fill it by 11:30 a.m. A full sack can bring in up to 1,500 Yemeni riyal (≈ $3), which the family uses for daily meals. When Qasim returns home, he can briefly be a child again, playing football with neighbours. By evening, his 12‑year‑old brother Asem takes over the bottle‑collecting, selling the haul at night to cover dinner costs. For the siblings, school is a luxury they cannot afford. "I was in fourth grade in 2024, but I stopped because I needed to help my family," Qasim told Al Jazeera, wiping his cheeks. "Sitting in a classroom would not feed me," he added. The conflict that began in 2014 between Iran‑backed Houthis and the Saudi‑backed government has devastated Yemen’s education system. UNICEF estimates that 3.2 million school‑aged children are out of school, with another 1.5 million displaced children at risk of permanent dropout. Even though a cease‑fire was declared in April 2022, the war’s economic fallout persists. During the fourth Riyadh International Humanitarian Forum, Yemen’s Minister of Planning Waed Badhib said the war has cost the national economy **over $250 billion** and pushed unemployment to **35 %**. Parents like Qasim’s father, 48‑year‑old daily‑wage worker Abdu, no longer see education as a viable path. "Seeing a hungry child hurts more than seeing a child drop out," he said, noting that many university graduates now work as construction guards or porters. Experts warn that this short‑term coping strategy harms long‑term prospects. Mahmoud al‑Bukari, a Taiz academic, explained that forcing children into work “creates further social and economic problems for both individuals and society.” Sociology professor Afrah al‑Humaiqani stressed that denying education violates children’s rights and breeds anxiety, undermining future economic development. Infrastructure damage compounds the crisis: more than 2,400 schools are destroyed, partially damaged, or repurposed (Save the Children). Remaining classrooms are overcrowded, and teachers—many unpaid for years—are demotivated, leading to a decline in teaching quality. Fatima Saleh, a teacher in Sanaa, described educators as the "engine" of learning. "When that engine falters, students lose interest and drop out," she said, noting that unpaid salaries force many teachers to quit or seek other work. Journalist Mohammed Abdu al‑Samei argues that the cease‑fire alone cannot revive education without addressing the underlying economic collapse. International aid has also dwindled, leaving a critical funding gap for programs that once kept children in school. For Qasim, returning to a classroom is no longer realistic. He now aims to acquire a trade—painting, carpentry, or welding—to earn a living, saying, "I will not return to the classroom, but I will learn a skill that helps my family."

Israel has appointed Michael Lotem as its first ambassador to Somaliland, marking the latest milestone after the country officially recognized the self‑declared state in December 2025. Lotem, who previously served as Israel’s ambassador to Kenya, was announced by Israel’s public broadcaster on Wednesday. Somaliland’s president, Abdirahman Mohamed Abdullahi, hailed the appointment in a joint parliamentary session, declaring Israel a “reliable partner” and prompting applause from lawmakers. In stark contrast, Somalia’s foreign ministry condemned the decision, labeling it a “direct breach” of Somali sovereignty and unity. The condemnation echoed broader disapproval from the UN Security Council, the African Union, the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation and the European Union, all of which have criticized Israel’s recognition of Somaliland. Since the December announcement, diplomatic activity has accelerated. Israeli foreign minister Gideon Saar visited Hargeisa in January, and Somaliland’s water ministry sent a delegation to Israel for training in water‑management techniques. President Abdullahi told Reuters in February that a trade agreement with Israel is expected soon. Israel has also granted diplomatic approval to Mohamed Hagi, a presidential adviser instrumental in securing recognition, designating him as Somaliland’s first ambassador to Israel. Somali officials warn that the deepening ties could destabilise the region. President of Somalia earlier this year called Israel’s outreach the “gravest attack” on Somali sovereignty and suggested Israel might seek to establish a military base to launch operations against Yemen. Geographically, Somaliland sits across the Gulf of Aden from Yemen, where the Iran‑backed Houthi movement controls the northwest and remains hostile to Israel. The Houthis have publicly stated that any Israeli presence in Somaliland would be a legitimate target. In March, Somaliland’s minister of the presidency, Khadar Hussein Abdi, told Bloomberg that the country aims for a “strategic relationship” with Israel that includes security cooperation. He did not rule out the possibility of an Israeli military base, noting that such a decision “will be analysed at some point.” Somalia’s state minister for foreign affairs, Ali Omar, reiterated to Al Jazeera that Somalia does not want its territory drawn into external confrontations that could further destabilise an already sensitive region. The appointment of an Israeli ambassador therefore not only solidifies bilateral ties but also introduces new strategic calculations for regional actors, potentially reshaping security dynamics in the Horn of Africa and the broader Red Sea corridor.

President Donald Trump has signaled that the U.S. Navy will enforce a blockade of the Strait of Hormuz, targeting any vessel that has paid a toll to Iran. The announcement sent oil futures soaring past $100 per barrel on Monday, reviving fears of a deeper global energy crisis. U.S. Central Command later clarified that the operation would focus on ships entering or leaving Iranian ports, a narrower scope than the initial threat to shut the entire strait. Nonetheless, experts say the move would still choke a critical chokepoint in world oil supply. "Anything that removes oil from the market pushes prices higher, which in turn lifts gasoline costs," explained Trita Parsi, co‑founder of the Quincy Institute. He warned that if Iran’s allies, notably the Houthis in Yemen, retaliate by closing the Bab al‑Mandeb strait, oil could surge above $150 a barrel. Bab al‑Mandeb serves as an alternative route for Gulf oil to reach the Red Sea and Indian Ocean. Its closure would compound the disruption already caused by the Hormuz threat. Since the start of the U.S.–Israeli conflict on February 28, Iran has limited traffic through Hormuz, allowing only a handful of vetted ships. Windward estimates that about 3,200 vessels were stranded west of the strait as of Saturday. Former chief economist Anas Alhajji of NGP Energy Capital Management expects non‑Iranian carriers to avoid the strait regardless of U.S. assurances, citing rising insurance premiums and the risk of Iranian retaliation. "The Trump blockade of Iranian ports is effectively a blockade of the Hormuz Strait," he told Al Jazeera. The ripple effects extend beyond fuel. Higher oil and gas prices will lift the cost of chemicals, fertilizers and plastics feedstocks, analysts say. Cameron Johnson, senior partner at Tidalwave Solutions, predicts a rapid increase in raw‑material prices if the blockade persists into late April or early May. "The wild card is the timeframe," Johnson noted. "If it’s a short‑term negotiating tactic, the market may absorb it, but a prolonged blockade will spike global commodity prices." Supply‑chain experts warn of broader repercussions. Deborah Elms of the Hinrich Foundation highlighted that rising fabric costs and packaging shortages could strain food production and consumer goods later in the year. Industry observer Chad Norville of Rigzone said the mere threat erodes confidence in the strait’s stability, likely driving up insurance costs and reducing daily trade volumes. In sum, a U.S. blockade of Iranian ports would mark a stark reversal of recent policy, which had briefly eased sanctions to alleviate the energy crunch. The potential escalation underscores how geopolitical moves can quickly translate into higher energy bills and broader economic strain worldwide.