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Yemen's civilians are bracing for the worst as the country's Houthi rebels have entered the war against Iran, sparking fears of a new chapter of suffering in a nation already grappling with a critical humanitarian situation. The involvement of the Houthis, who control the capital city of Sanaa, has raised concerns among locals about potential Israeli retaliation, which could trigger displacement, fuel shortages, and inflation. Yasser, a 45-year-old ice cream shop owner in Sanaa, expressed his worries about the impact on his business and family. “The moment Israel begins its military response to the Houthis, we will lose the little comfort we have today. Fear, price hikes, and fuel shortages will suffocate us. The end of the conflict is unpredictable,” he said. The Houthis' decision to enter the war has been met with a mix of fear and support from civilians. While some, like Ammar Ahmed, a 28-year-old taxi driver, are worried about the safety of their families and the potential for Israeli attacks on residential areas, others, like Mohammed Ali, a 26-year-old university graduate, have expressed their support for the Houthi leadership and their faith in their ability to withstand the conflict. Economists warn that Yemen's already crippled economy would decline further if the country becomes a new front in the widening conflict in the region. Wafiq Saleh, a Yemeni economic researcher, noted that the escalation will drive up prices for essential imports, including food, fuel, and medicine, as shipping and insurance costs rise. The humanitarian situation in Yemen is already dire, with United Nations reports indicating that the escalating conflict in the wider region risks exacerbating the country's economic situation and disrupting vital humanitarian and commercial supply chains.

President Donald Trump told Fox News host Trey Yingst that the United States had dispatched a substantial cache of firearms to Iranian protesters, routing them through Kurdish groups. He said, “We sent them a lot of guns. We sent them to the Kurds,” and added that the Kurds likely kept the weapons. This admission lends weight to Tehran’s long‑standing narrative that the December‑January demonstrations were not spontaneous but were driven by “foreign‑backed terrorists.” Iran’s Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei has repeatedly blamed the United States and Israel for hijacking the economic unrest that began on December 28, when Tehran shopkeepers protested the plunging rial. The protests quickly spread nationwide, drawing hundreds of thousands onto the streets. Rights groups and the United Nations report that at least 5,000 people were killed, with some estimates suggesting the death toll could rise to 20,000. The crackdown also saw thousands arrested and an internet blackout imposed to conceal the violence. As the US‑Israel war on Iran entered its 38th day, official tallies record 2,076 deaths and over 26,000 injuries across the country. Despite Trump’s statements, several Kurdish opposition groups have categorically denied receiving any U.S. weapons. A senior official of the Democratic Party of Iranian Kurdistan (KDPI) told Iraqi broadcaster Rudaw that the claims were “baseless,” noting that their armaments are decades‑old and sourced locally. The Komala Party issued a similar denial. Analysts caution that Trump’s remarks are difficult to verify. Neil Quilliam of the United Kingdom’s Chatham House said the comments “reveal nothing material” and may reflect Trump’s personal rhetoric more than concrete policy. Nonetheless, such statements could undermine the cohesion of Iranian opposition groups and influence international perceptions of the conflict. In the broader geopolitical context, the United States has framed its February 28 strikes—carried out jointly with Israel—as a response to Iran’s nuclear program and as a means to “free” Iranians from the Islamic Republic’s repression. Trump linked the military action directly to the protests, claiming Tehran had “killed tens of thousands of its own citizens on the street as they protested.” While Kurdish factions continue to advocate for peaceful, civil protest methods, the U.S. and Israeli governments have not yet committed to ground operations in Iran. Opposition Democrats in the U.S. Congress remain skeptical of any escalation involving troops. Overall, Trump’s confirmation of arms shipments adds a new layer to the already complex narrative surrounding the Iranian protests, the US‑Israel military campaign, and the broader struggle for influence in the region.

President Donald Trump issued an ultimatum demanding that Iran reopen the Strait of Hormuz by 8 p.m. Eastern Time on April 7 (midnight GMT on April 8) or face the destruction of national power plants and major bridges.This demand mirrors a March 21 warning in which Trump threatened to strike Iran’s power plants – “the biggest one first” – if the waterway was not fully reopened within 48 hours.Since then, the deadline has been extended several times, with the White House citing progress in secret negotiations aimed at ending the ongoing conflict, a claim Iran publicly denies.While Trump has repeatedly declared that Iran would “lose every power plant and every other plant they have in the whole country,” he has not identified specific facilities as targets.The president has also threatened to demolish Iran’s bridges; a recent U.S.–Israeli strike damaged the B1 bridge in Karaj, a high‑profile structure slated for inauguration, underscoring the tangible risk to civilian infrastructure.Legal analysts warn that such attacks could constitute “collective punishment,” a practice prohibited under international humanitarian law.Iran’s electricity network comprises hundreds of power stations that together form one of the Middle East’s largest grids, supplying power to approximately 92 million people. Most facilities cluster around major population centres—Tehran, Mashhad, and Isfahan—where demand is highest.The generation mix is dominated by natural‑gas‑fired plants, supplemented by coal, oil, hydro, and a single nuclear facility. In the north and centre of the country, dense clusters of gas‑fired stations serve Tehran, Karaj, Isfahan and Mashhad.Along the Gulf coast, a second concentration of plants benefits from proximity to vast gas fields and ports, enabling large thermal stations to operate on abundant natural gas. This coastal belt also hosts the Bushehr Nuclear Power Plant, Iran’s only nuclear reactor with a capacity of 1,000 MW, a site that has been repeatedly targeted by U.S. and Israeli forces, raising concerns about potential radioactive fallout.Hydropower generation is centred on a series of dams along the Karun River, the country’s primary source of hydroelectric power.All electricity is transmitted through a national grid managed by the Iran Grid Management Company, delivering power to cities, industry and households.A map of Iranian power stations with capacities of 100 MW or more shows that a single 100 MW plant can typically supply electricity to 75,000–100,000 homes, depending on consumption patterns.The nation’s largest facility is the Damavand Power Plant in Pakdasht, about 50 km southeast of Tehran, boasting a capacity of 2,868 MW—enough to energise more than two million homes.Key high‑capacity plants include:Damavand (Pakdasht) – Natural‑gas combined‑cycle, 2,868 MW.Shahid Salimi – Neka, Caspian Sea coast, natural gas, 2,215 MW.Shahid Rajaee – Near Qazvin, natural gas, 2,043 MW.Karun‑3 Dam – Khuzestan Province, hydropower, 2,000 MW.Kerman – Natural gas, 1,912 MW.Other strategically important stations are the Ramin Power Plant (1,903 MW, gas), the Bushehr Nuclear Power Plant (1,000 MW, nuclear), and the Bandar Abbas Power Plant (1,330 MW, oil) near the Strait of Hormuz.Iran’s electricity generation is heavily fossil‑fuel dependent: in 2025, 86 % of power came from natural gas, 7 % from oil‑fired plants, about 5 % from hydropower, 2 % from nuclear, and less than 1 % from solar and wind. This makes Iran one of the world’s most gas‑reliant power systems.Targeting the grid would therefore cripple energy supply for millions, disrupt industrial output, and could trigger a humanitarian crisis, while also escalating geopolitical tensions in an already volatile region.

The global oil trade is facing a chokepoint crisis, with Libya's oil disputes mirroring the situation in the Hormuz Strait. The Strait of Hormuz, a critical waterway for oil transportation, was briefly closed after US and Israeli strikes on Iran in late February, causing Brent crude oil prices to soar to nearly $120 a barrel.Libya, with its strategically located oil terminals on the northeastern coast, has become a crucial player in the global oil trade. The country's light, sweet grades of oil are particularly valuable to European refiners. However, Libya's political instability and factional oil deals are threatening to disrupt oil supplies, with Europe's energy security hanging in the balance.The Libyan National Army (LNA), led by Khalifa Haftar, controls the territory where Libya's oil is located, while the Government of National Unity (GNU) in Tripoli signs oil contracts. This has led to a situation where Tripoli may sign oil contracts, but Haftar decides whether oil actually flows. The Arkenu agreement, a private oil company linked to the Haftar family, was recently terminated due to corruption allegations, leaving the future of Libya's oil supplies uncertain.The US is attempting to broker new talks between Tripoli and Haftar's camp, but a deal is not yet certain. Meanwhile, European energy security is at risk, with the Mediterranean Sea becoming a battleground for proxy wars between Russia and Ukraine. The sabotage of oil infrastructure and attacks on tankers are exacerbating the situation, highlighting the need for a stable and secure oil supply to Europe.

Yemen's Houthi rebels have announced that they, along with their backers Iran and Lebanon's Hezbollah, have launched a coordinated attack on Israel. The assault involved a barrage of cruise missiles and drones aimed at several vital and military sites belonging to Israel. The attack was confirmed by Houthi military spokesman Yahya Saree, who stated that the operation was a show of solidarity with the Palestinians. This development marks a significant escalation in the Middle East conflict, drawing in multiple actors from the region. The Houthis, who control much of northern Yemen, have been involved in the conflict since March 28, when they officially joined the war in support of Iran. They have previously targeted Israel and disrupted shipping in the Red Sea and Gulf of Aden as a show of solidarity with the Palestinians during the Israeli war on Gaza. In related developments, Israeli officials reported that the bodies of four people killed in an Iranian strike on a residential building in Haifa had been recovered. This comes as Israel continues to target Hezbollah in Lebanon, with recent strikes hitting Beirut's southern suburbs and other areas in the country's south. The Israeli military has been pounding Lebanon, saying it is targeting Hezbollah terror targets. On Sunday, Israel struck two Amana petrol stations controlled by Hezbollah, which served as significant financial infrastructure for the group. In south Lebanon, four people were killed in a raid on a car in Kfar Rumman. Lebanon's Health Ministry reported that an Israeli attack killed a paramedic from the Hezbollah-allied Risala Scout Association on Monday. Two paramedics from the Islamic Health Committee were also killed in an Israeli strike a day earlier. The World Health Organization (WHO) has verified 92 attacks on health facilities, medical vehicles, personnel, and warehouses in the region. The conflict has resulted in significant casualties, with Lebanon reporting 1,497 people killed since the war erupted, including 57 health workers. The situation remains volatile, with ongoing strikes and counter-strikes threatening to expand the conflict further.

The quest to find Australia's oldest playable musical instrument has led to the discovery of several remarkable pieces. A 16th-century double bass crafted by Gasparo da Salò, a renowned luthier, has been found to be one of the oldest playable instruments in the country. Currently on loan to Max Bibeau, principal double bass for the Australian Chamber Orchestra (ACO), this instrument was made around 1580 in Brescia, Italy. Only a handful of such instruments exist globally, and Bibeau's relationship with the double bass was not immediate. He notes that it took considerable time and effort to 'wake it up' and make it playable again. The instrument had been stored in an abbey in northern Italy for centuries before being discovered by German bass player Prof Günter Klaus in the late 1960s. Culturally, the yidaki (didgeridoo), a sacred instrument to the Yolŋgu people, is likely Australia's oldest instrument, with a history spanning thousands of years. For an exhibition in 2017, curators at the South Australian Museum worked with Yolŋgu community members to restore a selection of the oldest and most unique yidaki to playing condition. The oldest restored yidaki was made around 1890. Another contender for the oldest instrument is a piano from the First Fleet, a 'square' piano made by Frederick Beck in 1780. This instrument, now housed at the Western Australian Academy of Performing Arts, has a softer and smaller sound compared to modern pianos. The oldest instrument found in Australia is an ocarina from Colombia, estimated to have been made around AD 1200. This ancient vessel flute is part of a collection of 830 musical instruments donated to the Queensland Museum. While it can produce a sound, its original sound and playability are uncertain due to its fragility and age. The wood used for the front of Bibeau's da Salò bass has been dated to a tree growing as early as 1266. According to Bibeau, age can enhance an instrument's sound, but it requires careful preservation and play to maintain its quality. He notes that 'instruments need to be played' and that 'the more it vibrates, the better it vibrates.'

President Donald Trump opened the traditional Easter Egg Roll on the White House South Lawn alongside a child dressed in a giant bunny costume, before turning the event into a platform for a stark Iran warning to a room of reporters. Hours later, the president entered a packed briefing room flanked by Defence Secretary Pete Hegseth. The press conference highlighted the recent rescue of a U.S. airman whose jet was downed by Iran, a mission Trump praised as "genius" and likened to a Hollywood production. Amid the celebration, Trump shifted focus to a $1.5 trillion Pentagon budget request he had submitted the previous week, emphasizing military spending while domestic programs face cuts. In a chilling turn, the president warned that the United States could "take out the entire country in one night" by targeting Iran’s bridges and power plants, a threat he framed as a potential path to freedom for the Iranian people. He claimed, without evidence, that Iranians would accept such suffering to topple their regime. When a reporter cited the Geneva Conventions, Trump dismissed the concern, questioning the journalist’s affiliation and mocking the New York Times for its declining circulation. Trump also hinted at personal profit, stating, "I'm a businessman first" when asked about seizing Iranian oil, and invoked a quasi‑religious narrative, saying, "God was watching us" during the Easter festivities. Defence Secretary Hegseth, known for his ties to Christian nationalism, likened the rescue to a resurrection, describing the timeline from the aircraft’s downing on Good Friday to its recovery on Easter Sunday as a "pilot reborn". Critics on social media and within Congress have labeled Trump’s rhetoric as "insane" and "dangerous," urging the cabinet to consider the 25th Amendment to assess his fitness for office. The president brushed off mental‑health concerns, suggesting that if his condition were an issue, "you’ll need more people like me." Recent weeks have seen Trump make contradictory statements: first denying the strategic importance of the Strait of Hormuz, then threatening escalation; first boasting of air superiority after a U.S. fighter was shot down, then claiming the war is already won. These erratic pronouncements have heightened worries that the nation’s nuclear launch authority may be in the hands of a leader whose public behavior resembles the "Mad Hatter" of Lewis Carroll’s classic.

The recent commentary on Donald Trump's presidency has highlighted a critical concern: the world cannot afford to wait for him to leave office. Trump's administration has effectively eroded central tenets of the US legal and civic structure, rendering the traditional checks and balances on political power ineffective.Waiting for the downfall of one individual raises two crucial questions. Firstly, will others with similar politics simply take his place? Secondly, if the country and the world wish to move in a different direction, when can we expect to see a plan?It is essential to remember that changes brought about by Trump's presidency cannot always be easily abolished or replaced. The implications of his actions, and those of his administration, are far-reaching and have significant consequences for global stability.Some argue that faith in the November midterm elections may be too optimistic, as Trump and his administration are already preparing to undermine them. The concern is that he will not allow himself to lose.Others suggest that the media and public have a role to play in puncturing Trump's pride and casting doubt on his legacy. Keeping a running count of the death toll of civilians, children, aid workers, and journalists killed since his presidency began could be one way to hold him accountable.The situation has drawn comparisons to the fall of the Roman Empire, with some warning that the current instability could lead to a similar collapse of political structures. As such, there is an urgent need for a plan to address the consequences of Trump's actions and to work towards a more stable future.

Iran’s nationwide internet outage, which started on 28 February following the first US‑Israel strikes, has now stretched beyond 38 days, making it the most prolonged country‑wide shutdown since the Arab‑spring era. Authorities ordered a total cut‑off of global internet services on the day the conflict began, after a brief shutdown in January amid nationwide protests. More than five weeks without external connectivity has left most Iranians dependent on state‑run television and a single satellite channel for news. According to Amir Rashidi, director of the Iran‑focused human‑rights group Miaan, many citizens are unaware of the full scale of the war because “their only sources are Iranian state television and one satellite channel.” This limited media environment means Iranians receive information filtered through government agendas. Doug Madory, director of internet analysis at Kentik, noted that while sub‑national outages have occurred in places like Myanmar, Ukraine and Gaza, Iran’s shutdown is the longest and most severe at the national level since Libya’s six‑month blackout during the Arab Spring. Sudan’s 37‑day shutdown in 2019 is the only comparable recent case. In response, the regime has pushed users onto the National Information Network (NIN), a domestic intranet under development for 16 years. The NIN provides parallel services—local search engines, an Iranian‑styled streaming platform, and messaging apps—but operates under strict government monitoring. Platforms are known to hand over user data to authorities. A Miaan Group report highlighted that domestic search engines censor key terms. For example, searches for “war” or “ceasefire” on Gerdoo, Iran’s home‑grown Google alternative, return no results, while another local engine frames the conflict as a decisive Iranian victory. Circumventing the blackout is costly and risky. Some Iranians travel overland to Turkey to regain connectivity, while others purchase VPNs or special SIM cards on a hidden market at prices ranging from $6 to $24 per gigabyte—five to twenty times the global average—effectively turning internet access into a luxury commodity. Despite the human and economic toll, Miaan Group warns that the shutdown is likely to persist as the government continues to promote the NIN, even though many of its services remain unreliable or non‑functional. There is no clear indication that unrestricted internet access will be restored in the near future.