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Islamabad – Pakistan’s Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar will travel to Beijing, reaffirming the “all‑weather strategic cooperative partnership” between the two nations, according to the Pakistani Ministry of Foreign Affairs.The visit follows a high‑profile quadrilateral meeting in Islamabad that brought together foreign ministers from Turkey, Egypt and Saudi Arabia, all aiming to coax the United States and Iran back to the negotiating table amid a war that has already spiked global energy prices.Despite a recent hairline shoulder fracture, Dar pressed on with the trip, signalling the urgency of Pakistan’s diplomatic push. In a March 27 call, Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi praised Islamabad’s “untiring efforts to cool down the situation,” a sentiment echoed by spokesperson Mao Ning, who said China is ready to “enhance communication… for a cease‑fire and peace in the region.”Analysts argue the mission is less about collecting praise and more about testing whether Beijing will move from rhetoric to concrete action in the US‑Iran mediation. The central question: can China become an active partner rather than a silent observer?Former Wilson Center fellow Baqir Sajjad Syed explains that Dar will brief Chinese leaders on the recent Islamabad quadrilateral and seek to turn five draft principles – immediate ceasefire, resumption of talks, civilian protection, maritime security, and UN Charter compliance – into a binding framework.Pakistani scholars view the outreach as classic intermediary behaviour: Pakistan leverages China’s permanent‑member status to stay relevant, while China, unlike the United States, mainly engages with Gulf states and Tehran.Iran specialist Vali Nasr suggested Tehran may be looking for a Chinese “guarantor” for any US‑Iran deal, a premise disputed by professor Ishtiaq Ahmad, who calls the expectation “analytically weak” given China’s reluctance to back a declining regime.The strategic stakes are stark. The Strait of Hormuz moves roughly 20 % of global oil. Kpler data show China imported about 1.38 million barrels per day of Iranian crude in 2025 – roughly 12 % of its total oil imports. The IEA estimates 15 million barrels per day passed through the strait in 2025, with China and India accounting for 44 % of that flow.China‑Iran trade hit about $41.2 billion in 2025, and a 2021 25‑year strategic cooperation pact promised up to $400 billion in Chinese investment for discounted Iranian oil, much of which remains unrealised due to U.S. sanctions.Syed describes China’s motivations as “clear and self‑interested”: protecting energy security, safeguarding Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and China‑Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) projects, and bolstering its image as a global peace broker. A prolonged war would hurt China’s economy through higher oil prices and disrupted trade routes.While Beijing is unlikely to deploy military forces, it may employ diplomatic tools – public endorsements, joint statements, and economic levers – to push for a cease‑fire. Its pragmatic stance means it will weigh the benefits of deeper involvement against the risk of being drawn into a conflict.The diplomatic backdrop includes a postponed Trump visit to Beijing and a slated summit for mid‑May, as well as a future Xi‑to‑U.S. trip, which observers say could signal a broader alignment between the two great powers.Meanwhile, the United States continues to amass forces in the Gulf, with thousands of Marines and Army troops positioned for possible ground operations, underscoring the volatility that Pakistan and China are trying to mitigate.In sum, Dar’s Beijing mission tests whether China will remain a passive supporter or become an active broker in a war that threatens global energy markets and regional stability.

President Donald Trump is reportedly weighing a request for Arab countries to fund the U.S.–Israel war on Iran, White House spokesperson Karoline Leavitt told reporters on Monday. Leavitt said the president is "quite interested" in calling on regional partners to share the expense.The idea mirrors the financing arrangement of the 1990‑91 Gulf War, when a coalition of Arab and Western nations covered roughly 88% of the $61 billion cost, leaving the United States to foot only about 12%.Trump also hinted that, even if the Strait of Hormuz remains closed, other export‑dependent partners should manage the crisis. The strait carries about 20% of the world’s oil and LNG shipments; its shutdown has pushed Brent crude to **$116 per barrel**, up from pre‑war levels near **$65**.Iran, meanwhile, has demanded that the United States pay reparations to Iranian victims as a precondition for any cease‑fire.So far, there is no clear commitment from Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) members—countries that have themselves been hit by Iranian strikes—to finance the conflict. Analysts estimate the total bill could run into tens of billions of dollars, though exact figures remain uncertain.Experts note a shift in regional attitudes: GCC states opposed the war before it began and continue to call for diplomacy, according to Zeidon Alkinani of the Arab Perspectives Institute. He added that Israel appears to be the primary driver pushing the United States into the confrontation.History shows the United States has repeatedly sought external funding for wars it leads. During the Gulf War, Saudi Arabia contributed $16.8 billion (27% of total costs) and Kuwait $16 billion (26%). Japan, Germany, the UAE and South Korea also supplied sizable sums.Post‑World War II, the U.S. administered the Marshall Plan, providing over $13 billion to rebuild Europe, while Germany and Japan paid reparations and later funded the upkeep of U.S. bases—about $1 billion annually each.In the ongoing Ukraine war, the United States once delivered the largest aid package—€114.64 billion (≈$134 billion) by mid‑2025. Since Trump returned to office in 2025, he has withdrawn **99% of U.S. support**, shifting the financial load to European allies and turning the U.S. into a major arms supplier, with weapons sales reaching a record **$318.7 billion in 2024**. Recent deals, such as a $10 billion weapons package for Ukraine financed by European partners, illustrate this new model.These precedents underscore a pattern: when U.S. leadership faces costly overseas engagements, it often looks to allies—especially those with strategic interests—to share or assume the fiscal burden.

A drone attack on a fully loaded Kuwaiti crude oil tanker at Dubai Port sparked a fire that was later extinguished, authorities said. The Kuwait Petroleum Corporation (KPC) reported that the Al Salmi tanker was struck in an Iranian attack while anchored at the port in the United Arab Emirates, causing damage to the vessel and a fire on board.The incident is part of a string of assaults on merchant vessels by missiles or explosive air and sea drones in the Gulf and Strait of Hormuz since the United States and Israel's war on Iran began on February 28. The tanker was loaded with two million barrels of oil from Kuwait and Saudi Arabia, according to data from Lloyd's and TankerTrackers.Iran's foreign minister insisted that Tehran's attacks on the Gulf Arab states only target US forces, even after assaults have hit civilian targets throughout the region. The incident has raised concerns about a possible oil spill in surrounding waters, with Kuwaiti state news agency KUNA reporting that authorities warned of this risk.Multiple loud explosions were heard in Dubai, starting at around 6 or 7pm local time on Monday until about 1 or 2am on Tuesday, said Al Jazeera's Zein Basravi, reporting from Dubai. The attacks seem to be getting closer, louder, and one of them hit that oil tanker off the coast of the waters of Dubai.

On 30 December 2023, Brooklyn‑based musician Wendy Eisenberg emerged from an all‑night rave in Bushwick feeling physically ill and mentally rattled. A spontaneous, anxiety‑driven walk that lasted the entire day became the catalyst for what Eisenberg later described as a personal “exorcism”.During the trek, an old friend suggested Eisenberg pick up a guitar, prompting the artist to return home and begin writing the material that would become their self‑titled album. Eisenberg recalled the intensity of Cat Power’s rapid‑fire creation of Moon Pix, noting that many of the new songs were drafted in a similar dream‑state over the following three to four months.Since the debut Time Machine, Eisenberg has built a reputation as a multi‑instrumentalist who oscillates between confessional folk and avant‑garde improvisation. Collaborator Bill Orcutt praised their guitar work as “musical MSG”, capable of elevating any ensemble. Yet the forthcoming record deliberately steps back from experimental excess, drawing instead on the playful melodies and graceful harmonies of 70s folk‑rock while retaining the ambition of earlier projects.The album’s orchestration, co‑produced with partner Mari Rubio (aka More Eaze), emphasizes beauty through complexity. Eisenberg explains that the “harmonic vocabulary reflects a newfound sense of comfort and happiness”, aiming for an “earned, adult sound of happiness” that mirrors the messy process of self‑acceptance.At the heart of the record lies a deeply personal narrative. A breakup that shattered Eisenberg’s sense of identity forced them to confront both heartbreak and the pressure to conform to “straight” norms. The experience sparked a decisive embrace of their queer, non‑binary, lesbian identity, a transformation Eisenberg describes as a “revelatory moment”.Music has long served as Eisenberg’s refuge; their father’s lullabies and an early fascination with Joni Mitchell, Gram Parsons, and the Everly Brothers laid the groundwork for a lifelong devotion to songcraft. After years of intensive study at the New England Conservatory and experimental collaborations, Eisenberg’s new work channels those influences into a more accessible, yet still richly textured, sound.Beyond the music, the album’s backstory includes an unexpected romance sparked by the British quiz show Only Connect. After meeting Rubio in August 2023, the pair bonded over the show on Valentine’s Day, leading to their first kiss and, months later, cohabitation. Eisenberg credits this partnership with providing the emotional stability needed to complete the album.Critics have already hailed the record as “one of the best things you will hear this year”, noting its blend of 70s singer‑songwriter sensibility with modern lyrical honesty. Tracks such as “Meaning Business” confront PTSD and past trauma, while others explore the joy of self‑realization.The album will be released on Joyful Noise on 3 April 2024, offering listeners a window into Eisenberg’s journey from “exorcism” to artistic renewal, and solidifying their place as a compelling voice in contemporary indie folk.

The struggle to unwind at the end of the day is a familiar one for many of us. Insomnia is a common problem, and music is often recommended as a way to relax. Max Richter's Sleep, an eight-hour long piece designed to mirror the phases of sleep, has become a popular choice, currently ranking No 2 in the official classical artist albums chart.But where did this genre of instrumental sleep music begin? The term "nocturne" was first used by John Field to describe his short, standalone piano pieces. These pieces were designed to evoke a tranquil evening mood, often featuring a slow and lyrical melody in the right hand with a rippling accompaniment in the bass. Field's Nocturnes were born out of his time in Russia, where he was inspired by the pearly light of the long summer nights.Chopin later expanded the form to include a range of moods and themes, from stormy and passionate to meltingly beautiful. The piano remained the pre-eminent instrument for nocturnes, with composers like Gabriel Fauré and Erik Satie making significant contributions to the genre.Nocturnes have had a lasting impact beyond music, influencing art, literature, and even perfumes. The word "nocturne" has come to symbolize a dreamlike, peaceful night, and the concept has been used in various forms of creative expression. As Susan Tomes notes, nocturnes are "tiny three-minute narratives" that ask us to follow as the story unfolds, standing on the threshold between "day mind" and "night mind".

OpenAI, the company behind the popular AI chatbot ChatGPT, has announced that it has successfully closed a massive $122 billion funding round. This significant investment has propelled the company's valuation to an impressive $852 billion, solidifying its position as one of the most highly valued private companies globally. The funding round, which is one of the largest in Silicon Valley's history, saw participation from tech giants such as Amazon, Nvidia, and SoftBank, which committed $110 billion. A select group of individual investors also contributed approximately $3 billion to the round. This substantial influx of capital comes as OpenAI prepares for a potential initial public offering (IPO) later this year, one of the most anticipated public listings in decades. Despite the positive news, OpenAI faces numerous challenges, including lawsuits, competition from rival AI firms, and public distrust. The company is also dealing with questions over the sustainability of the AI boom and its ability to deliver on its ambitious promises. OpenAI's CEO, Sam Altman, and the company will be involved in a closely watched trial in April, as Elon Musk sues OpenAI, alleging a breach of a founding agreement. In a blog post, OpenAI touted the funding round as a testament to its promising future and the legitimacy of its technology. The company aims to build a 'unified AI superapp', centralizing ChatGPT, coding products, web browsing, and AI agents. OpenAI currently generates $2 billion a month in revenue but faces significant financial challenges, with internal forecasts indicating that it may not become profitable until 2030.

British hedge‑fund billionaire Chris Rokos has announced a £190 million endowment to the University of Cambridge to create a new, eponymous school of government. The pledge, comprising an initial £130 million and a further commitment of up to £60 million that the university will match, is believed to be the largest single donation ever made to a UK university. The Rokos School of Government is slated to open in temporary facilities this autumn, offering PhD and master’s programmes focused on public policy, leadership and governance. In the longer term it will relocate to a purpose‑built campus within Cambridge’s West Innovation District, positioning itself as a direct rival to Oxford’s Blavatnik School of Government, which was launched in 2010 with a £75 million gift. Rokos, 55, rose from a state primary school to a scholarship at Eton and a mathematics degree at Oxford before co‑founding the hedge fund Brevan Howard and later establishing Rokos Capital Management, which now employs over 350 staff. He is listed on the Sunday Times Rich List with an estimated net worth of £2.6 billion and is among the UK’s biggest taxpayers. Speaking about the donation, Rokos said, "I was fortunate to be given an education that transformed my life, and I would like to give something back to Britain. My hope is that, in time, the influence of the Rokos School of Government across the world becomes an important element of that soft power, which has been a great asset to the UK." University officials framed the new school as a response to “growing turbulence in domestic and international politics, increasing polarisation of political opinion, and long‑term structural changes in the economy.” The institution aims to provide a “unique forum for radical and remarkable thinking,” leveraging Cambridge’s tradition of scientific innovation and interdisciplinary collaboration. Vice‑chancellor Prof. Deborah Prentice added, "Tackling the enormous challenges facing our world requires radical new ways of thinking and approaches to leadership. Cambridge’s strengths across all disciplines and its convening power make it uniquely positioned to drive this innovation. Thanks to Chris’s generous support, the Rokos School will become a place where current and future leaders, together with experts from across our institution, generate the insights and solutions needed for a rapidly changing world." The school’s establishment also reflects a broader trend of private wealth shaping public‑policy education in the UK, echoing similar high‑profile gifts such as Leonard Blavatnik’s £75 million donation to Oxford. By creating a dedicated hub for governance studies, Rokos hopes to cement Cambridge’s role as a training ground for future world leaders and to reinforce Britain’s international influence. Rokos Capital Management recently made headlines when talks to appoint former UK ambassador Peter Mandelson as an adviser were terminated following renewed scrutiny of the Epstein scandal, underscoring the complex interplay between finance, politics and public perception. The £190 million endowment not only marks a milestone for UK higher‑education philanthropy but also signals a strategic investment in the development of policy expertise that could shape global governance for decades to come.

UConn’s last‑second victory over Duke – a freshman buzzer‑beater by Braylon Mullins – will be replayed for years, but the post‑game scene stole the headlines. Coach Dan Hurley approached referee Roger Ayers and touched the official’s forehead while staring intently at him, an act some social‑media users labeled a “head‑butt.”Ayres later told ESPN the incident was “absolutely nothing,” and officials chose not to assess a technical foul that could have given Duke two free throws with 0.4 seconds left. Hurley later claimed he believed Ayers was trying to “chest‑bump me to celebrate.”This was not Hurley’s first brush with controversy. Earlier in March he was fined for “unsportsmanlike conduct” after confronting an official during a game against Marquette, and he has previously taunted opponents and warned Baylor players after a loss to Florida.While many fans describe Hurley as “passionate” or “fiery,” the episode raised a broader question: would a Black coach receive the same leniency? Tennessee State’s Black head coach Nolan Smith responded to a video of the incident on Instagram, joking, “I’ll never try this. I’ll be coaching in Pelican Bay,” and then noting that a Black coach would likely be labeled out of control or even handcuffed.The concern is not hypothetical. In 2025 Tuskegee coach Benjy Taylor was handcuffed by police while trying to calm a heated situation, an outcome many argue would have been unlikely for a white counterpart. Similarly, veteran white coach Rick Pitino survived a major scandal involving an assistant’s escort‑paying scheme and continues to coach at a high‑profile program, a trajectory that would be far less probable for a Black coach in the same circumstance.These examples illustrate what the author describes as a systemic double standard that extends beyond the basketball court, echoing broader societal patterns of white privilege. The piece juxtaposes the flawless public image demanded of Black leaders like Barack Obama with the comparatively permissive treatment of white figures such as Donald Trump, whose legal and personal controversies have not barred him from the highest office.By linking these disparate cases, the article argues that the rules governing behavior and accountability differ for Black individuals across American institutions, including college sports, and that this disparity continues to shape careers and public perception.

Ethiopian women's rights activists are facing a rising tide of digital violence, including online threats, doxing, and deepfake abuse, forcing some to flee the country. Yordanos Bezabih, an Ethiopian women's rights activist, had faced online threats for years, including acid attacks, gang-rape, and death. However, in 2025, the threats became more menacing, with an anonymous Telegram group organizing an effort to track down her location.The group shared deepfakes of her – nude images and videos. A stranger started filming her in the streets, calling her by her social media handle. Thieves broke into her house and stole her laptop. Soon after, her Telegram account was hacked, and her private photos and messages were circulated on social media. The perpetrators later circulated her address, demanding she be found and “executed”.In August, Bezabih left Ethiopia on a fellowship for human rights defenders. She has not returned since; it is too dangerous. “I have been forced to remain outside the country in order to protect my safety and continue my work,” she says.Bezabih is one of a small but growing number of feminists and women’s rights defenders who have left Ethiopia over the past two years, as online violence has become all-pervasive and uncontrolled. Three years after Facebook was accused of allowing hate speech to spread unchecked in Ethiopia, amid genocidal violence against ethnic Tigrayans during the civil war – claims rejected by Meta – social media inciters in Ethiopia have found a new target: women online.Research by the Centre for Information Resilience (CIR) bears out the scale of online gendered abuse in Ethiopia. Its 2024 report, Silence, Shamed and Threatened, found that technology-facilitated gender-based violence (TFGBV) has become “normalized to the point of invisibility” and is a daily occurrence with severe offline impacts, including psychological harm, physical assault, and arrests.Activists say the government and social media platforms are not doing enough to protect them. “I don’t think the government is much concerned about online harassment. It is barely a government agenda,” says Befekadu Hailu, an Ethiopian civil society leader and former director of Ethiopia’s Centre for the Advancement of Rights and Democracy.Bezabih says the online platforms that enable the violence also do little about it. “Even though they claim to have all these community guidelines, tech platforms never respond to reports, claims or even appeals.”