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Washington, D.C. – In a historic session, the United States Supreme Court examined the Trump administration’s bid to curtail the long‑standing practice of granting citizenship to anyone born on American soil. The hearing drew a sizable crowd of civil‑rights and immigration advocates who decried the proposal as unconstitutional. Lawyers representing the administration argued that the 14th Amendment has been misread for over a century and that citizenship should be limited to children of parents who are legally domiciled in the United States. They contended that the phrase “subject to the jurisdiction thereof” permits the exclusion of infants born to undocumented or temporary‑status parents. Opposing counsel from the ACLU and other groups countered that the amendment’s language, reinforced by the 1898 United States v. Wong Kim Ark decision and the 1952 Immigration and Nationality Act, unequivocally guarantees citizenship regardless of parental status. “The rule was enshrined in the 14th Amendment to keep it out of reach of any official who might try to destroy it,” ACLU attorney Cecillia Wang said. The proceedings were underscored by President Donald Trump’s unprecedented presence in the courtroom, making him the first sitting president to attend Supreme Court oral arguments. Trump left the hearing abruptly, later posting on Truth Social that the United States is “the only country in the world stupid enough to allow ‘birthright’ citizenship.” Protesters such as 21‑year‑old Luis Villaguzman of LULAC expressed personal stakes, noting that the policy would strip benefits from pregnant immigrant mothers and jeopardize their children’s future. “This hits close to home,” he said. Justices probed the administration’s claims, with Justice Kentanji Brown Jackson asking, “Who is domiciled?” while Justice Samuel Alito highlighted the repeated references to “domicile” in the Wong Kim Ark opinion. Justice Brett Kavanaugh questioned why Congress had not clarified the citizenship scope in the 1952 statute, and Justice Amy Coney Barrett warned of the logistical chaos the order could create. Legal scholars warned that the executive order could affect roughly 255,000 infants annually, according to a joint analysis by the Migration Policy Institute and Penn State’s Population Research Institute, potentially creating a “self‑perpetuating, multigenerational underclass.” Outside the court, immigration advocates emphasized the broader implications: the measure could disenfranchise hundreds of thousands of children, many of Latino heritage, and compound the administration’s aggressive deportation agenda. The Court has not set a date for a final ruling, but the hearing offered a glimpse into the judicial scrutiny the case will face as the nation watches a potential reshaping of a core constitutional right.

Israel’s parliament has approved a law that authorises the death penalty solely for Palestinians convicted in West Bank military courts for what the courts define as "terrorism" killings of Israelis. The measure was greeted with celebration by far‑right politicians, yet it has drawn swift rebuke from the United Nations human‑rights chief, who warned it could constitute a war crime, and from a broad coalition of international observers.Israeli rights organisations argue that the law is the latest manifestation of an apartheid‑style legal framework that systematically privileges Jewish citizens while imposing severe penalties on Palestinians. They contend that such legislation entrenches a system of codified discrimination that has evolved since the state’s founding.Under the new rule, military tribunals in the occupied West Bank – which exclusively try Palestinians – will, by default, impose the death sentence on anyone found guilty of an unlawful killing of Israelis classified as terrorism. In contrast, Israeli citizens charged with comparable offences in the same territory are tried in civilian courts, where the death penalty is not applied.Statistics underscore the disparity: conviction rates for Palestinians in military courts hover at an astonishing 99.74%, whereas Israelis tried for crimes committed in the West Bank have a conviction rate of roughly 3% between 2005 and 2024. These figures highlight the stark imbalance in judicial outcomes.Arab‑Israeli lawmaker Aida Touma‑Suleiman of the Hadash party expressed her dismay, leaving the parliamentary chamber after the vote and stating she anticipated “scenes of happiness” from far‑right figures but was “painful” to see the public echo the same sentiment.The law follows a series of statutes that critics say have progressively eroded Palestinian rights, including the 1950 Absentees’ Property Law, the 2003 Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law, and the 2018 Nation‑State Law, which enshrines Jewish supremacy in identity, settlement policy, and constitutional hierarchy while marginalising Arabic.Human‑rights advocate Yair Dvir of B’Tselem described Israel as an “apartheid regime,” noting that a “whole set of laws” differentiate between Jews and Palestinians and that the death‑penalty legislation is less an outlier than a logical extension of existing policies that deny Palestinians the right to life.Analysts argue that the dehumanisation of Palestinians has deepened to the point where capital punishment can be enacted with minimal dissent and even public celebration by parliamentarians.Physician‑rights activist Tirza Leibowitz of Physicians for Human Rights – Israel warned that the law exemplifies a broader pattern of violations, ranging from inhumane prison conditions to a legal system that often refuses to investigate crimes against Palestinians or actively shields abusive practices.She cited the unresolved deaths of more than 100 Palestinians in the West Bank since the October 2023 Gaza conflict, highlighting the case of 17‑year‑old Walid Ahmad, whose death by starvation in custody was ruled “undeterminable” by an Israeli judge, as evidence of the low value placed on Palestinian lives.Leibowitz also pointed to the recent dropping of charges against soldiers accused of sexual abuse at Sde Temain prison, noting that far‑right protesters, including lawmakers, rallied in support of the accused, further normalising systemic abuse.Touma‑Suleiman linked the new law to the 2018 Nation‑State legislation, recalling a confrontation with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in which he dismissed her criticism, insisting Israel remains “the Middle East’s only democracy.” She later observed that far‑right leader Itamar Ben‑Gvir has openly chanted “Death to Arabs,” rebranding it as “Death to terrorists,” thereby blurring the line between extremist rhetoric and state policy.Overall, the death‑penalty law is being portrayed by critics as a stark illustration of an entrenched apartheid system, raising serious questions about Israel’s adherence to international legal standards and the future of Palestinian rights under occupation.

Shops, universities and public institutions across the occupied West Bank and East Jerusalem shuttered on Wednesday as Palestinians launched a coordinated strike to denounce a newly passed Israeli law that makes the death penalty the default sentence for Palestinians convicted of deadly attacks by military courts. Hundreds gathered in Ramallah, chanting against the legislation championed by far‑right National Security Minister Itamar Ben‑Gvir. Demonstrators brandished signs reading “Stop the law to execute prisoners, before it’s too late”, featuring a graphic of a prisoner in a keffiyeh beside a noose. Similar protests unfolded in Nablus, where participants warned that “time is running out,” and in Anata, northeast of Jerusalem’s Old City, where Israeli soldiers compelled striking shop owners to reopen their businesses. The strike was called by President Mahmoud Abbas’s Fatah party the previous day, reflecting widespread anger that “there isn’t a single person here without a brother, husband, son or neighbour in prison,” said 53‑year‑old psychologist Riman, who asked that her surname not be disclosed. The United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, Volker Turk, condemned the measure, stating that its application to residents of the occupied Palestinian territory would amount to a war crime. According to the AFP, more than 9,500 Palestinians are currently detained in Israeli prisons, including 350 children and 73 women. Human‑rights groups on both sides allege detainees suffer torture, starvation and medical neglect, contributing to dozens of deaths. The law, approved by the Knesset late on Monday, stipulates that Palestinians tried in military courts for “terrorism‑related” deadly attacks face capital punishment as the default outcome. Because Palestinians in the West Bank are automatically tried in military courts, the statute creates a separate, harsher legal track compared with Israeli civilians, who face either death or life imprisonment for comparable offenses. While the legislation is not retroactive, critics argue it entrenches a system of unequal justice. Social‑media posts showed tyres burning at the busy Qalandia checkpoint, a key entry point into Israel via Jerusalem. The Palestinian news agency WAFA reported that Israeli forces responded with rubber‑coated bullets, stun grenades and tear‑gas, though no injuries were confirmed. Violence in the West Bank has intensified since Israel’s war in Gaza began in October 2023, a conflict that has claimed over 72,000 lives. The latest law and the ensuing protests underscore the deepening legal and humanitarian rift between Israel and the occupied Palestinian territories.

In the northeastern Indian state of Assam, the redrawing of electoral constituency boundaries has sparked concerns about the erosion of Muslim representation in the state's legislative assembly. The move, which was implemented in 2023, has been criticized as an example of 'gerrymandering' – the manipulation of electoral boundaries to favor a dominant group or party.The changes have resulted in Muslims forming the majority in about 20 of the state's 126 constituencies, down from around 35 previously. This shift is seen as a significant blow to the political representation of Assam's 11 million Muslims, who make up more than 34% of the state's population.Critics argue that the BJP's Hindu majoritarian policies are being implemented in Assam, which could serve as a template for the rest of India. The party has been accused of using techniques such as 'cracking,' 'packing,' and 'stacking' to weaken the electoral influence of Muslims.The delimitation exercise has been defended by the BJP as a means of protecting the political rights of 'indigenous people,' a reference to Assamese-speaking individuals. However, opponents claim that the move is a thinly veiled attempt to reduce the political power of Bengali-speaking Muslims in the state.For many Muslims in Assam, the changes have left them feeling politically emasculated. As Islam Uddin, a retired teacher from Katigorah, put it, 'We have been politically emasculated.' Another Muslim voter, Nabab Mezbahul Alam, described the situation as being like having 'hands, feet, and head to move and see, but [being] muted.'

The United States Supreme Court issued an 8‑1 decision on Tuesday that invalidated Colorado’s law prohibiting “conversion therapy” for LGBTQ minors. The majority held that the ban infringed on the First Amendment’s free‑speech guarantees, arguing that even therapeutic dialogue falls under protected expression. Justice Elena Kagan wrote that when a state suppresses one side of a debate while supporting the other, the constitutional issue is “straightforward.” In contrast, Justice Neil Gorsuch emphasized that the First Amendment “stands as a shield against any effort to enforce orthodoxy in thought or speech.” Only Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson dissented, warning that the ruling “threatens to impair states’ ability to regulate the provision of medical care” and underscored the documented harms of conversion therapy to LGBTQ youth. Colorado’s 2019 statute barred any “practice or treatment” aimed at changing a child’s gender identity or sexual orientation, though it allowed discussion of religion, gender, and sexuality. No individual has yet been sanctioned under the law. The case was brought by Christian counselor Kaley Chiles, who argued that the ban prevented her from offering voluntary, faith‑based talk therapy, a position backed by the administration of former President Donald Trump. Approximately two dozen states have enacted similar bans, reflecting a growing consensus that conversion therapy is both ineffective and harmful. Scientific studies link the practice to higher rates of depression and suicidal ideation among LGBTQ individuals. Major medical associations have condemned it as a dangerous, discredited intervention. Advocates for LGBTQ rights criticized the Court’s ruling as a setback. Polly Crozier, director of family policy at GLAD Law, said, “This is a dangerous practice that has been condemned by every major medical association in the country. Today’s decision does not change the science, and it does not change the fact that conversion therapists who harm patients will still face legal consequences.” The decision is expected to make enforcement of existing bans more difficult, potentially prompting a wave of legal challenges in other jurisdictions that have sought to protect LGBTQ youth from conversion therapy.

Closing the Strait of Hormuz has choked a vital artery that carries roughly one‑fifth of the world’s crude oil and LNG, sending energy prices soaring and unsettling global trade. Even if the waterway reopens tomorrow, analysts say the ripple effects will endure for months. Nils Haupt, senior director of corporate communications at German carrier Hapag‑Lloyd, told Al Jazeera that the end of hostilities does not equate to the end of logistics challenges. “Once the bombardments stop, the real work begins,” he said, noting that hundreds of vessels will scramble for berths in Persian Gulf ports, creating a prolonged bottleneck for containers and bulk cargo. According to the International Maritime Organization, about 2,000 ships are currently stranded because of Iran’s partial blockade, with only a handful of vessels from “friendly” nations granted passage. Maritime‑intelligence firm Windward estimates that roughly 400 of those ships are anchored in the Gulf of Oman, waiting for a green light. Diverted traffic has already forced many carriers to reroute via the Suez Canal or take the far longer Cape of Good Hope passage, inflating transit times and costs for shipments bound for Asia and Europe. Oil exports from Saudi Arabia are now being sent around the Red Sea, bypassing the strait entirely. Svein Ringbakken, managing director of the Norwegian Shipowners’ Mutual War Risks Association, cautioned that even with ports operating at full capacity, clearing the backlog of oil, gas and other goods will take months. He added that repeated attacks on regional energy and transport infrastructure have compounded the problem. The International Energy Agency reports that more than 40 energy assets across the Middle East have suffered “severe or very severe” damage, prompting companies such as QatarEnergy, Kuwait Petroleum Company and Bahrain’s Bapco Energies to declare force majeure. Beyond the immediate loss of flow, the shutdown has disrupted exports of petrochemicals, fertilisers and raw materials essential for plastics production, further straining global supply chains. Industry leaders warn that the risk landscape has fundamentally shifted. SV Anchan, chairman of US‑based logistics group Safesea, highlighted the rise of asymmetric threats, including unmanned vessel attacks, which have already accounted for at least 18 confirmed assaults since the conflict began. “A full reopening will only bring normalcy after a sustained period of stability and credible security guarantees,” Anchan said. Insurance costs have exploded as a result. Marco Forgione of the Chartered Institute of Export & International Trade noted that hull and cargo premiums have surged up to 300 %, a pressure point that could force shipping firms to curtail operations if rates remain high. Oscar Seikaly, CEO of NSI Insurance Group, stressed that war‑risk coverage will only normalize when a “truly permanent” security solution is in place, not a partial one. Recent data from Lloyd’s List show that a few vessels have managed to obtain Tehran’s permission to transit, with one ship reportedly paying $2 million for the right to pass. Iranian lawmakers have also moved to formalise transit fees for the strait. Nick Marro, lead global‑trade analyst at the Economist Intelligence Unit, warned that the security guarantees demanded by shippers may be hard to meet, citing the volatile Red Sea experience where commercial traffic remains below pre‑2023 levels. Marro predicts that the Hormuz shutdown will accelerate a broader trend of route diversification, similar to the supply‑chain shifts triggered by the COVID‑19 pandemic. “Geopolitical uncertainty will become a permanent feature of risk management, not a temporary reaction,” he said. Seikaly echoed this outlook, suggesting that exporters will increasingly explore alternative corridors for strategic and political reasons, ultimately reducing traffic through the Strait of Hormuz over the long term.

Donald Trump announced over the weekend that he wants to "take the oil in Iran" by seizing control of Kharg Island, the strategic outpost through which roughly 90% of Iran’s oil exports flow. Experts say the remark underscores a blatant disregard for international law and exemplifies what they term “fossil‑fuel imperialism.” Patrick Bigger, co‑director of the Transition Security Project, described the approach as a "might‑makes‑right" logic that is both "abhorrent and spectacularly miscalculated." Trump is slated to give an update on the Iran‑U.S. conflict on Wednesday. He previously claimed the war could end within weeks, a statement that sent the stock market soaring on expectations of de‑escalation. Iran, however, has insisted it needs guarantees against future attacks before halting its counter‑offensive. The fighting continues, highlighted by an Iranian strike on a fully loaded crude tanker in Dubai and threats to "blow up and completely obliterate" Iran’s energy infrastructure if the Strait of Hormuz is not reopened promptly. Kharg Island, a five‑mile strip that handles the bulk of Iran’s oil shipments, along with its power plants and oil wells, has been singled out by Trump. He told the Financial Times that U.S. forces should take over the island and the oil stored there. "My favorite thing is to take the oil in Iran," Trump said, adding that critics in the United States are "stupid people." Amir Handjani, an energy lawyer at the Quincy Institute, warned that the statement "completely discredited" the war’s stated objectives and revealed a classic play for natural resources. Handjani noted that Trump’s desire to seize Iranian oil is not new; he voiced similar ambitions in a 1988 interview while promoting The Art of the Deal, saying he would "do a number on Kharg Island" if elected. The former president has also floated comparable ideas for Iraq, Syria and Venezuela, suggesting the United States could appropriate their oil to offset war costs or bolster strategic reserves. Handjani emphasized that international law provides no framework for waging war to capture sovereign nations' natural resources. From a military perspective, taking Kharg Island would be extremely challenging. Iranian missile defenses have rendered regional U.S. bases inoperable, meaning any assault would likely require a parachute insertion of Marines into heavy fire, with the risk of massive Iranian retaliation. Handjani warned that such retaliation could target oil export terminals across the Persian Gulf, potentially driving crude prices to $200‑$300 per barrel and destabilising the global economy. The conflict has already caused the largest-ever disruption to global energy supplies, killing thousands and sparking sharp fuel‑price shocks. While consumers bear the brunt, major fossil‑fuel companies are enjoying windfall profits. Bigger noted that higher oil prices benefit oil majors and are being used as a pretext to expand U.S. drilling, further entrenching reliance on carbon‑intensive fuels. According to Bigger, Trump’s rhetoric reveals a belief that "fossil fuels are a linchpin of his domestic industrial strategy," and that controlling oil equates to controlling global power. He argues that this mindset threatens the international order and hampers the transition to cleaner energy.

Chelsea Football Club has reported a staggering £262.4m pre-tax loss for the 2024-25 season, shattering the previous English football record held by Manchester City. The substantial loss is primarily attributed to increased operating costs compared to the previous season. The club's financial report reveals a significant downturn from the £128.4m profit recorded in the 2023-24 season, which was largely bolstered by the sale of Chelsea's women's team for nearly £200m. In contrast, Chelsea's latest financial statements reflect a challenging period for the club. According to a UEFA report, Chelsea's losses for the 2024-25 season were even higher, estimated at €407m (£355m). However, club sources indicate that these figures are influenced by differing reporting requirements in European football. In addition to the financial loss, Chelsea disclosed that they had spent £65.1m on agents' fees, the highest in the Premier League, with Aston Villa being the next biggest spenders at £38.4m. The total spend on agents' fees across English top-flight clubs rose by 13% to £460.3m. Despite the record loss, Chelsea assured compliance with the Premier League's profitability and sustainability rules (PSR), which permit maximum losses of £105m over three years, with certain expenditures like infrastructure and youth development being 'added back.' Chelsea reported revenue of £490.9m, the second-highest on record for the club, including earnings from their participation in the Club World Cup. The club is forecasting revenue of over £700m for the 2025-26 season. Sources close to Chelsea express confidence in their financial structuring and anticipate compliance with all regulatory requirements, including UEFA's football earnings rule, following a €20m fine for previous breaches.

The families of British citizens held in the United Arab Emirates over allegations that they shared images of the conflict with Iran have expressed frustration at the British government's failure to help.Several British citizens are among more than 100 foreign nationals who have been detained under draconian Emirate rules that outlaw publishing or sharing material that could 'disturb public security'.UK government ministers have refused to condemn the arrests, amid claims they are too fearful of offending the Emirates because of their economic clout.The campaign group Dubai Watch, which is supporting nine British detainees, said their identities could not be revealed for fear of reprisals. But it has shown the Guardian anonymised correspondence from their increasingly anxious families.A mother whose daughter is being held wrote: 'This experience is exhausting, mentally and emotionally.'She described reading media reports about the continuing conflict in which Iran has retaliated against US and Israelis strikes by firing drones and missiles against its Gulf neighbours, including the UAE.She said: 'I have just read another article, and quite frankly I could do one purely on the inadequacies and sycophantic responses from this [UK] embassy.'She also expressed increasing fears for her daughter's safety as attacks continued. The mother said: 'I spoke to [my daughter] last night and they are no longer allowed to go outside in the courtyard as it's now deemed too dangerous to do so. This is an even bigger worry as they are all just sitting ducks.'Another message from a woman whose husband had been detained under the same law said the case had been 'mishandled'. She added: 'We are scared because nobody is telling us the truth. Can you please help us.'Police in Abu Dhabi said those detained had 'filmed sites and events and disseminated inaccurate information via social media platforms during the ongoing events, an action that could stir public opinion and spread rumours among community members'. In a statement, the officials said these 'violations' amounted to a 'misuse of social media'.Daisy Cooper, the deputy leader of the Liberal Democrats, confirmed that one of the detainees was a St Albans' constituent. She said their family was frustrated by the lack of consular help.Cooper told the Guardian: 'I'm deeply concerned that my constituent has been held with very little contact with their family, with no clear access to legal counsel, and no confirmation that UK consular officials have been permitted to visit them. The family are distressed and desperate for information about their wellbeing.'Cooper also criticised the UAE's round-up of anyone it has accused of sharing images of the conflict. She said: 'The response from the authorities appears wholly disproportionate given the nature of the allegations.'The Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office confirmed that five UK nationals were receiving consular assistance in the UAE.David Haigh, a human rights lawyer and founder of Dubai Watch, said: 'There's an awful lot more than five cases. The embassy is overwhelmed.'He added: 'There hasn't been any government intervention because it would offend the UAE and they don't want to do that. Impotent is the best way to describe the response. They're too scared – it's all about the money and investment from the UAE.'