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Labour has challenged Nigel Farage over the cost of his private jet trip to the Maldives, questioning his claim that it cost as little as £25,000. Farage, the leader of Reform UK, initially recorded the two-day trip as costing £12,500, funded by Thailand-based Reform megadonor Christopher Harborne, before later upgrading the cost to £25,000. The Labour Party's chair, Anna Turley, wrote to Farage arguing that chartering a private jet of a similar size would cost many times more than the sum declared. According to publicly available flight logs, the 11,000-mile round trip lasted just over 23 hours, using a model of plane that is currently advertised on multiple private jet websites as costing at least $11,500 (£8,500) per hour to charter. Turley highlighted that the plane's ownership is linked to Harborne, who has given the party more than £12m. She asked Farage to clarify how he valued the cost of the flight, which did not end in him reaching the Chagos Islands, as he did not have permission. Farage has described the visit as a "humanitarian mission", saying he undertook the trip to highlight the plight of the Chagossians, whose families were removed from the islands in the 1960s and are seeking to return. The trip has sparked controversy over the valuation of the private jet donation and Farage's attempts to reach the Chagos Islands, which are subject to a UK government decision to hand sovereignty to Mauritius.

Maggie Aderin-Pocock, a space scientist and CEO of Science Innovation Ltd, says the one item she would take to the lunar surface is a hand‑sewn purple‑cloth alien crafted by her daughter during a GCSE textile project. The tiny creature, made on a loom, embodies her child's love and would serve as a reminder of family ties at the farthest point from Earth. Sheila Hancock, acclaimed actor and writer, would use the trip as a cultural boot‑camp. She plans to study the complete works of Shakespeare, the epic novel War and Peace, and the full symphonies of Mahler as interpreted by Claudio Abbado, hoping the immersion will "strengthen her weakening brain" and deepen her appreciation of human genius. Michael Akadiri, a stand‑up comedian and resident doctor, imagines a lighter itinerary: a stack of old birthday cards to revisit heartfelt messages, an old‑school notepad for real‑time reflections, and a handful of puff‑puff (Nigerian doughnuts) – a cheeky nod to his fitness‑obsessed friends. Michael Rosen, children’s author and broadcaster, would bring three nostalgic comforts: giant yellow Chilean raisins from W Martyn’s shop in Muswell Hill, an oval brown pebble from the alleyway of his teenage flat, and the “furry” blanket his wife gave him during his 2020 COVID‑19 ventilator stay, each item a tactile link to his past. Athena Kugblenu, writer and comedian, opts for practicality and humor. She would pack a pair of Crocs for comfort, the guidebook Contact by Carl Sagan as a potential alien‑communication manual, and a jar of shito sauce – a Ghanaian shrimp‑tomato condiment – to introduce extraterrestrials to Ghanaian flavor before they learn English profanity. Nels Abbey, writer and broadcaster, frames his selection as a morale‑boosting toolkit. He would carry excerpts from Gil Scott‑Heron’s "Whitey on the Moon" and stand‑up routines by Paul Mooney, using their cynical wit to cope with the psychological challenges of space travel. Collectively, the panel’s choices illustrate how personal history, artistic heritage and even culinary curiosity can anchor humanity during the most extraordinary voyages. Their whimsical yet heartfelt lists underscore the idea that, even beyond Earth, we remain tethered to the stories, flavors and objects that define us.

At least 43 civilians were killed and 44 houses set ablaze during an assault by the Allied Democratic Forces (ADF) in Bafwakoa, located in Mambasa territory of Ituri province, according to the Congolese army.Lieutenant Jules Tshikudi Ngongo, the army’s regional spokesperson, said the attack occurred on Thursday and that the death toll could rise as search operations continue.The ADF, a rebel outfit that pledged allegiance to ISIL, has been increasingly targeting civilians in Ituri and the neighboring North Kivu province, despite joint Congolese‑Ugandan military campaigns launched in 2021.Witnesses reported that victims were killed with machetes, some perished in house fires, and two individuals were abducted, according to local customary official Christian Alimasi.The incident underscores the army’s difficulty in containing the ADF, which operates alongside other insurgent groups such as the Rwandan‑backed M23, responsible for seizing the major eastern city of Goma last year.Data from research firm Insecurity Insight indicates the ADF accounted for roughly 25% of civilian‑targeted violence in eastern DRC between 2020 and 2025, reflecting its significant presence in the region.Last year, the ADF’s attacks resulted in 66 deaths and multiple abductions, signalling a troubling escalation in its campaign against local populations.

Recent maritime traffic reports confirm that vessels heading to Pakistan have passed through the Strait of Hormuz, one of the world’s most crucial chokepoints for oil and cargo shipments.The transit underscores the strait’s importance for Pakistan’s trade routes, linking the nation’s ports with markets in the Gulf, Europe and beyond. Maintaining open and secure passage through this narrow passage remains essential for the stability of regional and global supply chains.

Human Rights Watch (HRW) released a comprehensive report titled None Can Run Away, concluding that Burkina Faso’s military, its allied Volunteers for the Defence of the Homeland (VDPs), and the al‑Qaeda‑linked Jama’at Nusrat al‑Islam wa al‑Muslimin (JNIM) have perpetrated war crimes and crimes against humanity since the coup that brought the junta to power in September 2022. Through in‑person and telephone interviews with more than 450 witnesses across Burkina Faso, Benin, Ivory Coast, Ghana and Mali, HRW verified 57 distinct incidents involving wilful killing, attacks on civilians and civilian objects, pillage, looting, and forced displacement. The report estimates that 1,837 civilians were killed between January 2023 and August 2025, with over 1,200 deaths directly linked to government forces. The United Nations estimates that the conflict has displaced approximately two million people, underscoring a humanitarian crisis of regional magnitude. Among the deadliest attacks, the military and VDP militias slaughtered more than 400 civilians across 16 villages near the northern town of Djibo in December 2023. In November 2023, allied militias killed 13 Fulani civilians—including six women and four children—in the western village of Basse, employing methods described by survivors as “blindfolded, hands tied, and riddled with bullets.” JNIM’s own atrocities were highlighted by the August 24, 2024 massacre in Barsalogho, where at least 133 civilians, many of them children, were shot indiscriminately. HRW’s findings point to a systematic targeting of the Fulani ethnic group, whom the junta accuses of supporting armed insurgents, resulting in what the report characterises as an ethnic cleansing of entire communities. HRW calls for urgent investigations into President Ibrahim Traoré, the supreme commander of the armed forces, and six senior military commanders for “grave abuses.” The organization also urges scrutiny of Iyad Ag Ghaly, JNIM’s supreme leader wanted by the International Criminal Court, and four of his commanders under the principle of command responsibility. “The scale of atrocities taking place in Burkina Faso is mind‑boggling, as is the lack of global attention to this crisis,” said Philippe Bolopion, executive director of HRW. “The junta is committing horrific abuses itself, failing to hold those responsible on all sides to account, and curtailing reporting to obscure the suffering of civilians caught in the violence.” Survivors recount harrowing details: a 41‑year‑old father described his son’s body “shot in the back of the neck,” while a 39‑year‑old witness to the Barsalogho attack said, “People were falling like flies. They came to exterminate us. They did not spare anyone.” These revelations amplify calls from the international community for accountability and for renewed humanitarian assistance to the millions displaced by the protracted Sahel conflict.

The Paris Appeals Court on Wednesday rejected Tunisia's request to extradite Halima Ben Ali, the daughter of the late former president Zine El Abidine Ben Ali, who faces accusations of laundering assets acquired during her father's 1987‑2011 rule.The ruling was anchored in Tunisia's failure to provide guarantees of an independent and impartial trial, a prerequisite under French and international extradition standards.Halima Ben Ali was detained in September 2025 at Tunisia's behest as she prepared to board a flight from Paris to Dubai. Authorities allege she participated in the laundering of wealth amassed under her father's regime.Her lawyer, Samia Maktouf, warned that sending her back would be tantamount to “a death sentence.” After the verdict, Maktouf described the decision as “an immense relief” and affirmed that justice had been served in accordance with the law.Tunisian prosecutors say the alleged financial crimes could carry a sentence of up to 20 years in prison, underscoring the broader push to recover misappropriated assets and hold the Ben Ali family accountable more than a decade after the Arab Spring uprisings.The case revives debate over the legacy of Zine El Abidine Ben Ali, who was ousted in 2011, fled to Saudi Arabia, died in exile in 2019, and was sentenced in absentia to life imprisonment by a Tunisian court.While the French decision may strain diplomatic ties, it also signals Paris' commitment to uphold procedural safeguards when handling extradition requests linked to politically sensitive cases.

The United Nations‑backed Gang Suppression Force (GSF) announced on Wednesday that its first foreign troops have landed in Haiti, signalling a new phase in the international effort to tame the country’s spiralling gang warfare.An advance team of soldiers from Chad arrived in Port‑au‑Prince, accompanied by Jack Christofides, a South African UN official appointed to lead the mission’s operations on the ground.The deployment is the initial step of a force slated to expand to 5,500 personnel with a 12‑month mandate. The GSF was authorized by the UN Security Council last September as a replacement for the earlier Kenyan‑led multinational security mission, which has struggled with funding shortfalls, insufficient manpower and limited institutional backing.Unlike its predecessor, which was limited to supporting Haitian police, the new force will have the authority to make arrests and conduct direct operations against groups designated as gangs. The concept was first put forward by the United States and Panama to “neutralise, isolate and deter” criminal networks.During the Security Council vote, twelve members voted in favour of the force, while China, Russia and Pakistan abstained. Russia’s representative, Vassily Nebenzia, criticised the plan as “rushed” and warned that its broad language could enable abuses, noting that the mandate permits the use of force against anyone labelled a gang.Haiti’s recent history of foreign intervention adds a layer of sensitivity to the deployment. Past UN peacekeeping missions have been linked to a cholera outbreak that claimed roughly 10,000 lives after the 2010 earthquake, and UN personnel have faced accusations of sexual assault in earlier decades.Gang control has tightened dramatically since the 2021 assassination of President Jovenel Moïse. Analysts estimate that up to 90 % of Port‑au‑Prince is now under gang influence, with around 26 criminal groups operating in the capital. The UN estimates that at least 16,000 people have been killed since 2022 and that more than 1.5 million have been displaced, many facing food insecurity. A recent human‑rights report recorded 5,519 gang‑related deaths and 2,608 injuries between March 2025 and mid‑January 2026, alongside reports of extrajudicial killings and sexual violence.The arrival of the GSF coincides with Haiti’s tentative steps toward a national election scheduled for August, where roughly 300 political parties and groups have registered. Acting Prime Minister Alix Didier Fils‑Aime has recently met with UN officials to discuss the new force’s role in stabilising the country ahead of the vote.

SpaceX has submitted paperwork for an initial public offering that could debut as early as June or July, targeting a capital raise of $75 billion. If the market pricing aligns with analysts’ forecasts, the launch could lift the company’s valuation to nearly $1.5 trillion, roughly double its worth in December. Such a valuation would place founder Elon Musk on a clear trajectory toward becoming the planet’s first trillionaire, a milestone that would eclipse the $25.6 billion record set by Saudi Aramco’s 2019 IPO. Renaissance Capital’s data analyst Angelo Bochanis told Reuters that, much like Tesla, SpaceX’s market price will hinge on investor confidence in Musk’s long‑term vision. "Investors are clamouring for any exposure to SpaceX," he added. Despite Musk’s controversial public persona and his involvement in multiple high‑profile ventures, industry experts remain bullish. Kat Liu, vice‑president at IPOX, noted that SpaceX is "operationally mature, technologically ahead in several key areas, and profitable," providing a solid foundation for a public listing. The company’s recent merger with Musk’s artificial‑intelligence startup xAI and the continued dominance of its Starlink satellite network—now the world’s largest satellite communications platform—have reinforced investor interest. SpaceX’s ambitious roadmap includes a lunar base and a crewed Mars mission, though timelines remain uncertain. Musk has previously admitted a "50‑50 chance" of delivering an uncrewed Starship to Mars by the end of 2026. Financial data firm Pitchbook estimates the IPO could nearly double the company’s market cap, underscoring the scale of potential investor demand. If realized, the offering would not only reshape the space‑tech sector but also set a new benchmark for public market fundraising.

Ramesh Kumar, a 42‑year‑old wheat farmer in Gurdaspur, Punjab, India, is already recalculating his budget as fertiliser prices climb and deliveries become erratic.He worries that higher input costs could force him to postpone his daughter’s wedding, delay school fees for his children, or even cut back on the amount of fertiliser he applies – a decision that could lower his harvest.While the conflict between the United States, Israel and Iran unfolds thousands of kilometres away, its ripple effects are felt in the fields of Punjab, Kashmir, Pakistan’s South Punjab, Bangladesh’s Rangpur and Nepal’s Gulmi district.The Strait of Hormuz, a narrow chokepoint linking Gulf oil and gas producers to global markets, handles roughly one‑fifth of the world’s oil and LNG shipments. Disruptions here delay the flow of natural gas used to produce nitrogen‑based fertilisers, inflating freight, insurance and ultimately fertiliser prices.South Asia, home to nearly two billion people, depends heavily on fertiliser‑intensive agriculture. In India, the sector is worth about $400 billion and employs over 46 % of the workforce; in Pakistan, it contributes close to 20 % of GDP; Bangladesh’s agriculture accounts for 12‑13 % of GDP; and Nepal relies on agriculture for roughly 24 % of its economy.Between 30 % and 35 % of India’s fertiliser imports, and up to 25‑30 % of Pakistan’s, Bangladesh’s, and Nepal’s imports, travel through routes that pass the Strait of Hormuz. Any prolonged blockage could therefore strain supply chains across the region.Governments are attempting to reassure farmers. Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi announced expanded domestic production of urea, DAP and NPK, as well as the rollout of “Made‑in‑India Nano Urea” and solar‑powered irrigation under the PM Kusum scheme.Pakistan’s federal secretary for agriculture highlighted proactive monitoring, increased domestic urea and DAP output, and measures to keep fertiliser affordable.Bangladesh plans to import 500,000 tonnes of urea in the short term and is exploring alternative sources from China and Morocco, while Nepal’s agriculture ministry says supplies for the upcoming rainy season are secured, though it warns of possible shipment delays.On the ground, farmers are already adjusting. In Kashmir, mustard grower Ghulam Rasool says he reduces fertiliser use as soon as price signals rise, even before actual shortages appear. In Pakistan’s South Punjab, wheat farmer Muneer Ahmad fears higher costs will affect the entire community. In Bangladesh, Mohammad Ibrahim notes that fertiliser availability is becoming unpredictable, and in Nepal, Meghnath Aryal worries that delayed deliveries will hurt crop yields.These individual decisions have broader implications. Reduced fertiliser application can lower yields, which in turn pushes up food prices—a critical concern in a region where households allocate a large share of income to food.While no immediate shortage has been declared, the combination of higher global energy prices, logistical bottlenecks and geopolitical risk makes the situation volatile. Authorities in all four countries are urging farmers to supplement chemical inputs with organic alternatives such as manure, compost and green manuring.For Ramesh Kumar and millions of his peers, the distant Gulf crisis is not an abstract geopolitical story; it is a daily calculation of whether they can afford to feed their families and meet essential expenses.