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The Lobito Corridor: A New Direction in US-Africa Ties When veteran naval officer Frank Garcia was appointed by the United States Senate as assistant secretary of state for African affairs, he praised the administration of Donald Trump for affirming Washington’s engagement in “trade and investment for mutual benefit” in the African continent. In particular, Garcia highlighted the Lobito Corridor – a strategic 1,300km (810-mile) rail and transport route linking the Atlantic port of Lobito in Angola to the mineral-rich regions of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and Zambia – as an example of this new direction during his confirmation hearing before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee on March 5. The Event Details The Lobito Corridor connects the mineral-rich Copperbelt to the Atlantic Ocean via Angola’s Lobito Port, amid a global surge in demand for critical minerals to secure supply chains for the global energy transition. Its foundational infrastructure, the Benguela Railway, was first developed in 1902 as a colonial trade corridor to transport raw minerals from Africa’s inland to international markets in Europe and the Americas. The Data Analysis The US government committed billions of dollars to the initiative to increase Lobito’s transport capacity and reduce the cost of moving critical minerals. In 2022, the US – under former President Joe Biden – the European Union and other G7 members signed a memorandum of understanding pledging to mobilise $600bn for infrastructure development over five years, of which the US committed $200bn. The Impact Analysis For some, the Lobito Corridor is an example of how US investments can boost Africa’s regional trade, create jobs, and improve infrastructure while offering investment opportunities. But critics say it mainly serves US efforts to secure alternative supply chains for critical minerals needed for the manufacture of electric vehicles, clean energy technologies and defence, furthering regional instability and conflicts. The Prediction “There is a real danger that the corridor exacerbates the crises [in conflict-torn African nations], rather than offering solutions,” Mike Jennings, professor of global development at SOAS University of London, told Al Jazeera. “And its implementation feels very neocolonial in practice, spirit and objectives.”

Senate Confirms Garcia as Top Africa DiplomatThe US Senate this week confirmed veteran naval officer Frank Garcia as Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs, ending a vacancy in Washington's top Africa-focused diplomatic post that lasted more than a year. The approval came as part of a wider bloc vote covering 49 nominees put forward by the Trump administration.The role is the most senior US diplomatic position in Africa, overseeing Washington's foreign policy and managing relations with all 54 African states.Garcia's Background and Confirmation ProcessGarcia, a former US Navy officer, served for 28 years. He spent approximately 15 years working with the House Intelligence Committee, focusing on African affairs and taking part in multiple visits to the continent alongside congressional delegations.He also served as chief of staff at the National Reconnaissance Office, the US agency responsible for designing and operating intelligence satellites. Between 2016 and 2021, he headed Via Stelle, a defense and intelligence consultancy.Garcia's nomination was approved by the Senate Foreign Relations Committee in March by 16 votes to six, with all opposition coming from Democratic senators at that stage. He was later confirmed by the full Senate, with several Democrats ultimately supporting the final vote.Geopolitical Significance of the AppointmentGarcia's appointment fills a longstanding gap in one of Washington's most strategically important diplomatic roles in Africa, at a time of growing global competition for influence across the continent. His profile has drawn scrutiny in some circles, with Nigerian newspaper The Whistler describing him as largely unknown among African policy and academic communities, noting that he has no significant published work on African affairs.The confirmation comes as the United States faces increasing competition with China and other powers for influence in Africa, particularly over access to critical minerals needed for clean energy technologies and electric vehicles.Shift from Aid to Trade in US Africa PolicyDuring his confirmation hearing before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee on March 5, Garcia said US policy in Africa had for too long prioritised aid and dependency, arguing that past commitments were often open-ended and 'focused on spreading divisive ideologies.'He said the administration, working through Secretary of State Marco Rubio, is shifting US engagement towards 'trade and investment for mutual benefit,' anchored in what he described as core US national interests and aligned with the 'America First' approach.Garcia pointed to the Lobito Corridor as an example of the new direction. He described the project as a model linking job creation, regional integration, and expanded commercial ties. He also said all US spending, including humanitarian and health assistance, would be assessed through the lens of its contribution to national security and economic interests.Future of US-Africa Relations Under New LeadershipThe Lobito Corridor, a strategic 1,300km (810-mile) rail and transport route linking the Atlantic port of Lobito in Angola to the mineral-rich regions of the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Zambia, represents the new direction of US policy in Africa.The corridor is being upgraded to move copper, cobalt, and other critical minerals more quickly from Central Africa to global markets, placing it at the centre of growing geopolitical competition over resources needed for electric vehicles and clean energy technologies.By offering a faster westward export route to the Atlantic, the project aims to reduce reliance on longer and costlier routes through southern and eastern Africa. The United States and European allies are backing the corridor as part of efforts to secure alternative supply chains for critical minerals, while China, which already holds significant influence over mining and infrastructure networks across Central and Southern Africa, remains a key competitor.That has turned the corridor into part of a broader contest over who controls access to Africa's strategic resources, with Garcia's appointment signaling a more assertive US approach to securing these vital resources and economic opportunities.

Zambia announced on 5 May 2026 that the RightsCon summit, the world’s largest conference on human rights and technology, would be cancelled just days before its scheduled start, citing a need to align the event with “national values”.Government’s Last-Minute Cancellation of RightsCon 2026Permanent Secretary Thabo Kawana of the Ministry of Information & Media said the decision was taken to ensure the gathering “aligns with Zambia’s national values, policy priorities, and broader public interest considerations”. The summit was to run from 5‑8 May in Lusaka, attracting over 2,600 activists, technologists, academics and policymakers.Financial and Logistical Fallout for DelegatesMore than 2,600 participants had already booked travel and accommodation.Individual delegates, such as Karna Kone from Côte d’Ivoire, reported losses of several hundred dollars in airfare and visa fees.Organiser Access Now had invested months of liaison and incurred undisclosed costs.Implications for Zambia’s International Reputation and Civil Society SpaceHuman‑rights lawyers like Linda Kasonde argue the move signals a “slow degradation of rights” and damages Zambia’s image, especially as the country was set to host the first RightsCon in southern Africa. Reports suggest pressure from China—including the use of a venue donated by Beijing and concerns over Taiwanese delegates—may have influenced the decision.The cancellation arrives ahead of the August 2026 general election, raising fears that the government is tightening control over public discourse and limiting civil‑society convening.What This Means for Future Digital‑Rights Conferences in AfricaStakeholders warn that the incident could deter future international events, as sponsors and participants may view African venues as politically volatile. Advocacy groups are calling for stronger guarantees of independence for such summits, and for regional bodies to develop protocols that protect civil‑society gatherings from abrupt governmental interference.

2014 Hwange Incident Sparks a Shift Toward Community‑Centric Conservation While tracking lion movements for her PhD in Hwange National Park, Mbizah received a GPS alert that a lion had wandered into a nearby village. The animal killed a seven‑year‑old boy before wildlife authorities shot it. The tragedy made Mbizah realise that protecting lions required protecting the people living on the park’s edge. Lion Population Decline and Economic Stakes for Rural Households 90% of the historic lion range across Africa has been lost. Fewer than 20,000 lions remain in the wild. In Zimbabwe’s mid‑Zambezi valley a cow is worth up to $300 and a goat $30. Average household income is about $108 per month. When predators kill livestock, families lose a vital source of income, prompting retaliatory killings that further endanger the remaining lion population. Human‑Wildlife Conflict Undermines Livelihoods and Biodiversity in the Mid‑Zambezi Livestock represents the primary wealth for communities in the corridor linking Zimbabwe, Zambia and Mozambique. Losses on both sides—people losing cattle, wildlife losing individuals—create a vicious cycle that threatens both biodiversity and rural economies. Scaling Community Guardians Could Redefine Conservation Across Africa Mbizah’s organisation, Wildlife Conservation Action (WCA), trains local "community guardians" to monitor GPS signals and raise alarms when predators approach. Early warning systems allow herders to protect their herds, reducing retaliatory killings and giving lions a safer corridor. If the model expands, it could provide a replicable blueprint for other regions where human‑wildlife conflict erodes both conservation goals and livelihoods.

US Treasury’s Mineral Security Initiative Targets Zambian MiningThe U.S. Department of Treasury announced that, starting 1 May 2026, certain imports of Zambian copper and cobalt will be subject to a human‑rights compliance review. The policy is part of a broader “Mineral Security Initiative” aimed at ensuring that critical minerals entering the U.S. market are sourced responsibly.Economic Stakes: Value of Zambian Exports to the United StatesAnnual copper exports to the U.S. valued at roughly $2.3 billion.Cobalt shipments worth about $750 million per year.Zambia accounts for 12 % of U.S. copper imports and 18 % of its cobalt imports.Geopolitical Ripple: Shifts in Zambia’s Alliances and Investment ClimateThe conditional trade approach is prompting Lusaka to reassess its partnerships. While the United States offers technical assistance for labor reforms, China and the European Union are positioning themselves as alternative buyers, emphasizing “non‑political” trade terms.Future Trajectory: Scenarios for Zambia’s Mining Policy and US‑Africa RelationsCompliance pathway: Zambia adopts stricter labor regulations, retaining U.S. market access and attracting ESG‑focused investors.Retaliation route: Lusaka seeks new export corridors, potentially deepening ties with China, but risks losing premium pricing in Western markets.Stalemate outcome: Partial reforms lead to a fragmented supply chain, with buyers diversifying across multiple African sources.Analysts warn that the policy’s success hinges on Zambia’s capacity to enforce labor standards without disrupting production, a balance that will shape the next phase of mineral diplomacy in Africa.

Frenchman Herve Renard has been sacked as Saudi Arabia coach, less than two months before the start of the FIFA World Cup 2026 in North America. Renard, 57, had returned for a second spell as Saudi coach at the end of 2024, having led them at the last World Cup four years ago in Qatar.“That’s football … Saudi Arabia have qualified for the World Cup seven times, including twice with me,” Renard told the news agency AFP on Friday. “And there’s only one coach who has led them through both the qualifiers and the World Cup; that’s me, in 2022. At least there will be that sense of pride.”Renard, a two-time Africa Cup of Nations (AFCON) winner with Zambia and the Ivory Coast, was in charge of Saudi Arabia from 2019 to 2023 before being replaced by Italian coach Roberto Mancini. He served as coach of the France women’s team from 2023 to 2024 and reached the quarterfinals of both the 2023 Women’s World Cup and the 2024 Paris Olympics.Georgios Donis, a former Greece international, is reportedly being lined up as the man to take over from Renard. Saudi Arabia are in Group H at the 2026 World Cup, alongside two former champions, Spain and Uruguay, and debutants Cape Verde. All their group games are scheduled to be played across the United States.The Arab nation has made six World Cup appearances, with a round of 16 finish in 1994 in the US their best result thus far. They suffered a group-stage exit in the last World Cup in 2022 but made headlines worldwide with a shock 2-1 group win over eventual champions Argentina. Saudi Arabia is also due to host the 2034 World Cup.

The United States has been proposing unusual bilateral health agreements to developing countries, mostly in Africa, in exchange for access to sensitive health data and critical minerals. These deals have sparked concerns of exploitation and have been met with resistance from several countries.In November, the US approached Zimbabwean authorities with a proposal that would have provided over $300m in funding in return for sensitive health data. However, Harare felt that the negotiations were 'lopsided' and promptly pulled out.Zambia also pushed back against a similar proposal, citing 'problematic' clauses that sought access to the country's minerals, including copper, cobalt, and lithium. The US had offered $1bn in funding over five years, but Lusaka requested a review of the proposal.Several African countries, including Nigeria and Kenya, have signed the health pacts, but the terms agreed remain unclear.Data or mineral demands in return for health aid are unprecedented in the history of US-Africa relations. Policy experts argue that tying crucial funding to sensitive national assets could have negative consequences for African nations and the US itself.'Supporting global health has clear benefits to the United States in terms of prevention of pandemics that can affect Americans too,' said Sarang Shidore, Africa director at the Quincy Institute for Responsible Statecraft. 'Linking such aid to payoffs in the extraction of critical minerals smacks of exploitative practices.'African nations have long relied on US funding to foot many of their health bills. In 2024, African countries received $5.4bn in US assistance, largely spent on humanitarian, health, and disaster needs.However, the US has argued that aid cuts suit its America First agenda, which prioritizes national interests. The stance has been met with criticism, with some economists arguing that aid is often ineffective and causes overreliance.Washington is now focused on government-to-government deals, which have typically required governments to take on an increasing share of their own health budgets in the next four to five years.Some analysts see this as a positive move to reduce overdependence on foreign funding and force governments to prioritize health spending in their budgets. However, the clauses that Washington is demanding to leverage its aid for data, rare earth elements, and other minerals have caused widespread outrage in some countries.In the case of Zambia, the US reportedly asked for access to the country's critical minerals in return for $1bn over five years. The US also asked for a one-way data-sharing agreement for 10 years.If Lusaka fails to ink a deal, US aid funding to the country will be discontinued, which could mean losing the remnants of funding Zambia still receives from the PEPFAR programme.

Congo-Brazzaville authorities have taken a significant step in their pursuit of Jean-Guy Blaise Mayolas, the embattled president of the country's football federation, Fecofoot. An Interpol arrest warrant has been requested following his conviction for embezzling $1.1m in funds provided by FIFA.Mayolas, along with his wife and son, was sentenced to life imprisonment earlier this month for their roles in the embezzlement. The funds, part of FIFA's COVID-19 relief plan in February 2021, were intended to support the country's football community. However, the trio fled the country weeks before the hearing, with investigators suspecting they may be hiding in Cameroon or the Democratic Republic of the Congo.The embezzlement scandal involves $500,000 earmarked for the Congo women's team. According to allegations, only $20,000 of the allocated funds was actually paid out. Mayolas has denied all allegations, calling them a conspiracy. This is not the first time Mayolas has faced scrutiny; in 2015, he and other officials received six-month bans from FIFA for ethics violations related to gifts and benefits.The situation has led to significant repercussions for Congo's football community. The country was banned from international football due to third-party interference, resulting in the forfeiture of World Cup qualifiers against Tanzania and Zambia. While Congo has since been reinstated, the scandal continues to cast a shadow over the sport in the region.