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The United States House of Representatives has passed a resolution to rein in President Donald Trump’s powers to attack Iran without congressional authorization. This marks a significant moment of legislative pushback against the administration's military strategy.The Breakthrough Vote: A Rare Bipartisan RejectionIn a decisive 215-208 vote on Wednesday, four Republicans joined Democrats to pass the bill, signaling a rare moment of bipartisan unity against the executive branch's war powers.215-208 Vote: The final tally reflects a narrow but significant majority.Defector Republicans: Tom Barrett of Michigan, Warren Davidson of Ohio, Brian Fitzpatrick of Pennsylvania, and Thomas Massie of Kentucky broke ranks.Historic First: This is the first time this year the House has successfully passed a war powers resolution targeting Trump.The Economic and Strategic Cost of the ConflictThe passage of the resolution comes amid mounting concerns regarding the financial and logistical toll of the ongoing war, which began on February 28 without a formal declaration of war.Financial Impact: The Pentagon estimates the war has cost $29bn, though some analysts project the total could exceed $1tn.Munition Shortages: Critical supplies are depleting faster than anticipated, including Tomahawk missiles, THAAD systems, and PrSMs.Casualty Toll: The conflict has resulted in over 3,400 deaths in Iran and 13 US soldier deaths.Constitutional Friction and Political FalloutThe vote highlights deep constitutional tensions regarding the separation of powers and the specific role of Congress in declaring war.Constitutional Authority: Lawmakers argue that the Constitution exclusively grants the power to declare war to Congress, not the executive branch.Political Retribution: Thomas Massie, a key supporter of the bill, was defeated in his primary by a Trump-backed opponent, highlighting the personal risks for Republicans who defy the President.Public Disapproval: A poll from the Marist Institute found 60% of US citizens disapprove of Trump's handling of the war, a rise from 54% in March.The Veto Hurdle and Future ProspectsWhile the House has spoken, the path to ending the war powers remains obstructed by the executive branch.Senate Pathway: The resolution now moves to the Senate, which previously passed a similar bill in May.Presidential Veto: President Trump is expected to veto the measure, viewing it as an infringement on his authority.Override Threshold: To become law, the bill would need to overcome a veto with a two-thirds majority in both the House and Senate, a threshold neither version has currently breached.

The Lead US Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth has been discussing key foreign policy issues for Washington at a defence summit in Singapore. Hegseth's Comments on China On Saturday at the Shangri-La Dialogue, Hegseth commented on America’s main rival, China, as well as Iran, NATO and Taiwan — a major point of contention between Washington and Beijing. “There is rightful alarm regarding China’s historic military buildup and the expansion of its military activities in the region and beyond,” Hegseth said. The Data Analysis The US and Israel launched their war on Iran in late February, rattling global markets, triggering an energy crisis and causing shortages of critical US munitions, including Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) interceptors, which cost about $12m each. In a report published on Wednesday, the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) said it would take two years — and in some cases more than three — to replenish four critical munitions used heavily during the war. The Impact Analysis Hegseth used his speech to call on US allies in the region to increase defence spending in an attempt to offset China’s growing power. “A Pacific dominated by any hegemon would unravel the regional balance of power,” Hegseth said. “No state, including China, can impose its hegemony and hold the security or prosperity of our nation and our allies in question.” The Prediction Hegseth also discussed Iran — a key issue for much of the world as well as the US. Tehran and Washington are believed to be close to signing a memorandum of understanding to bring the war to a permanent end. Hegseth, who has played a key role in the US-Israeli war on Iran as defence secretary, warned that the US would resume attacks on Iran if a satisfactory deal isn’t reached.

The Munition Shortage The United States has enough munitions for any plausible scenario in the Iran war, but rebuilding its depleted inventories will “take years”, according to a new report by the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS). Replenishment Timeline Restoring pre-war stockpiles of four critical munitions heavily used by US forces during nearly 40 days of joint fighting with Israel against Iran would take at least two years – and in some cases more than three – the Washington-based think tank said on Wednesday. Land Attack Missile (TLAM) Terminal High Altitude Area Defences (THAAD) interceptors Patriot missiles SM-3 and SM-6 ship-based surface-to-air missiles The Data Analysis The report noted that while US officials publicly project confidence in weapons stockpiles, analysts have said that dwindling munition supplies may be shaping Washington’s calculations over whether to resume the war on Iran. The Impact Analysis “Campaigns against Iran and its proxies – and, for Patriot interceptors, aid to Ukraine – have made the problem more acute,” said the CSIS report. “Alongside replenishing its own stocks, the United States also has to fulfil orders from allies and partners.” The Prediction “Decisions on how to allocate new production have already created bilateral friction, and this friction will continue for the next few years as demand outpaces supply,” the report warned. The main problem is not funding but production time, limited manufacturing capacity and long procurement lead times, with CSIS noting that past procurement levels were relatively low for many systems, slowing replacement efforts despite recent increases in defence spending.

The acting Navy secretary Hung Cao told a Senate committee that the United States is temporarily pausing a $14 bn arms sale to Taiwan to ensure sufficient munitions for the Iran operation dubbed Epic Fury. The disclosure, coupled with a Washington Post report on interceptor usage, has sparked concerns that the U.S. may be exhausting its strategic missile stockpiles faster than they can be replenished. Senate Hearing Highlights $14 bn Taiwan Sale Pause and Iran‑War Munitions Demand During the hearing, Cao emphasized that the pause is a precaution, not a sign of a critical shortage, stating the U.S. has “plenty” of munitions for Epic Fury. Yet his own remarks underscored a broader tension: while officials publicly project confidence, internal data suggest a rapid drawdown of high‑value weapons used against Iran. Interceptors and Tomahawks: The Scale of US Depletion THAAD interceptors: >200 launched – roughly 50% of the U.S. inventory. SM‑3/SM‑6 missiles: >100 deployed. Tomahawk cruise missiles: >1,000 used out of an estimated 3,100. Overall, seven critical munitions saw more than half of their pre‑war stockpiles expended, according to a CSIS report dated April 21. Strategic Ripple Effects for Allies and Future Theaters The depletion has immediate implications for U.S. partners. Japan and South Korea, which rely on American missile‑defence systems, face heightened risk if the supply chain cannot keep pace. Gulf allies also worry about reduced availability of Patriot and THAAD systems should the Iran conflict reignite. Moreover, the same interceptors are needed for potential Indo‑Pacific contingencies involving China, amplifying the strategic stakes. Rebuilding the Arsenal: Timeline and Policy Choices Analysts from the International Institute for Strategic Studies and CSIS warn that restoring pre‑war levels for the seven most‑depleted munitions will require “one to four years” as production pipelines catch up. Factors such as supply‑chain bottlenecks, skilled‑labor shortages, and rare‑earth material constraints slow the ramp‑up. Until capacity improves, U.S. planners must factor stockpile depth into escalation calculations, potentially limiting the frequency or intensity of future strikes.

The LeadDespite US Secretary of Defense boasting of rapid military success against Iran, the Pentagon has suffered significant losses with military equipment worth between $2.3bn and $2.8bn destroyed in the ongoing conflict. The most notable incidents include the destruction of a $700m radar aircraft and multiple missile defense systems.The Event DetailsThe conflict began on February 28, with US officials initially claiming rapid success. However, Iran's response has been more effective than anticipated. On March 26, US Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth made a bold claim at a televised Cabinet meeting: "Never in recorded history has a nation's military been so quickly and so effectively neutralised."The very next day, Iran retaliated by firing missiles and drones that struck a US base in Saudi Arabia, wounding several US soldiers and destroying a $700m E-3 AWACS/E7 radar surveillance aircraft. This airborne command center, capable of detecting aircraft and missiles hundreds of kilometers away, was destroyed at Prince Sultan airbase in eastern Saudi Arabia.Additional losses include at least one THAAD missile defense radar system worth between $485m and $970m, and three F-15 jets lost to friendly fire in Kuwait in early March.The Data AnalysisThe Washington, DC-based Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) has conducted the first detailed tabulation of US military losses in the conflict. Senior adviser Mark Cancian, a retired US Marine colonel with over three decades of military experience, calculated the losses at between $2.3bn and $2.8bn.Notably, this estimate does not include losses incurred at US bases in the region or specialized equipment and naval assets. Cancian noted that assessing damages to bases has been challenging due to US government restrictions on satellite imagery from Planet Labs since February 28.The CSIS analysis reveals that while the US has achieved some operational victories, the financial cost has been substantial. The most expensive single loss was the E-3 AWACS/E7 aircraft at $700m, followed by the THAAD radar systems.The Impact AnalysisThe losses have significant strategic implications for US military posture in the Middle East. Omar Ashour, professor of security and military studies at the Doha Institute for Graduate Studies, suggests that while the US has disclosed some figures, it cannot afford full transparency for political reasons."At this point, I don't think the Trump administration would want to be looking like losing equipment [and] personnel," Ashour told Al Jazeera, adding that there might be a "price" to pay "at the [midterm] elections in November."The conflict has also affected US relations with Gulf nations. Iran's decision to strike Gulf nations, not just US bases, backfired by driving them closer to the United States, according to Cancian. Additionally, the US failure to keep the Strait of Hormuz open has been a humbling reminder of naval unpreparedness.Despite these losses, Ashour notes that Iran has also suffered severe damage to its military. The US-Israeli operation has degraded Iran's conventional military architecture but has not eliminated its missiles, munitions, and drones.The PredictionLooking ahead, experts suggest that the US may need to reassess its strategy in the region. The current US troop deployment constitutes less than a tenth of the force used to invade Iraq in 2003, and the US lacks the number of aircraft carriers previously deployed.Cancian, reflecting on his military experience, noted that the US has been planning for potential conflicts with Iran for 45 years, including amphibious operations to capture Qeshm Island. However, "when the US launched the current war, they didn't have the forces in place."The conflict may ultimately follow historical patterns where operational victories do not translate to strategic success. As Ashour points out, "In Vietnam, they did a series of operational victories. In Afghanistan, they did. But then [they suffered] the strategic loss in the end."With midterm elections approaching, the Trump administration faces pressure to demonstrate progress toward its proclaimed goals of regime change and denuclearizing Iran, even as the financial and strategic costs continue to mount.

Modern combat has been reshaped by the Russia‑Ukraine war, the Gaza clashes, India‑Pakistan skirmishes and the recent US‑Israel strikes on Iran, driving an unprecedented global appetite for drones, missiles and sophisticated air‑defence systems. Turkey, a leading military power in the Middle East, is positioning itself as a key supplier in this booming market. At the heart of Turkey’s push is Roketsan, a firm founded in 1988 to equip the Turkish Armed Forces. Today the company exports to roughly 50 nations and is counted among the fastest‑growing defence enterprises worldwide. Bypassing Western embargoes has been a catalyst for this growth. After the United States imposed CAATSA sanctions in 2020 and removed Turkey from the F‑35 programme, Ankara was forced to develop an indigenous defence ecosystem. The result is a network of nearly 4,000 small and medium‑sized enterprises that now supplies over 90 % of the components used in Turkish weapons. Financially, the strategy is paying off. In 2025 Turkish defence exports reached $10 billion. Roketsan’s General Manager Murat Ikinci told Al Jazeera the firm sits at 71st place among global defence firms and is targeting a climb into the top 50, then top 20, and ultimately the top 10 by the end of the decade. To fuel this ambition, President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan inaugurated a suite of new facilities last week, including: Europe’s largest warhead production plant. A new R&D centre employing 1,000 engineers. The “Kirikkale” complex dedicated to rocket‑fuel research. Infrastructure for mass‑producing ballistic and cruise missiles. The construction represents a $1 billion outlay, with an additional $2 billion earmarked for scaling up production capacity. Roketsan’s R&D engine—the third‑largest in Turkey with 3,200 engineers—draws heavily on lessons from ongoing wars. The Ukraine conflict highlighted the effectiveness of cheap FPV and AI‑guided kamikaze drones, prompting Roketsan to field systems such as the ALKA and BURC air‑defences and the laser‑guided CIRIT missile. Recent US‑Israel operations against Iran have underscored the threat posed by low‑cost Iranian‑designed Shahed drones, now upgraded with Russian “Kometa‑B” anti‑jamming modules. These swarms have overwhelmed regional defences and even struck a British base in Cyprus in March 2026, while NATO intercepted three Iranian ballistic missiles that entered Turkish airspace. In response, Roketsan is advancing the “Tayfun” (Typhoon) missile family. The flagship Tayfun Block 4 is a hypersonic ballistic missile designed to pierce advanced air‑defence layers at extreme speeds. When pressed for specifics, Ikinci declined to disclose the exact range, noting only that it is “sufficient.” Strategically, Turkey is shifting away from Western dependence toward an “Eastern” partnership model. Roketsan now offers joint production and technology‑development agreements, establishing co‑located facilities and R&D centres across the Middle East, Far East and Europe. Qatar has been cited as a flagship example of this collaborative approach. Roketsan has identified five priority product lines to meet rising global demand: Long‑range ballistic and cruise missiles. Advanced air‑defence systems, including “Steel Dome”, Hisar‑A, Hisar‑O and Siper. Submarine‑launched cruise missiles leveraging the AKYA system. Smart micro‑munitions for armed drones. Long‑range air‑to‑air missiles, a capability highlighted by the recent India‑Pakistan clash. The timing is critical. Ongoing conflicts have depleted the stockpiles of high‑end air‑defence assets worldwide. During the US‑Israel‑Iran confrontation, the United States relied heavily on Patriot and THAAD systems, raising concerns that interceptor inventories could run low. Gulf states, which have logged over 1,000 drone sightings in their airspace, are actively seeking alternative solutions—an opening that Turkey’s self‑sufficient supply chain is poised to fill. Analysts warn that even major powers like the United States will need years to rebuild their air‑defence inventories due to the complexity of production. Turkey’s claim of near‑complete domestic manufacturing positions it as a ready supplier for nations eager to diversify away from traditional Western sources. As demand for missiles and drones surges, Roketsan is reinvesting its revenues into expanding production infrastructure, aiming to cement its place among the world’s elite defence exporters.