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The War Economy: A Billionaire’s Perspective from the FrontlineUkraine is reeling from its heaviest aerial raid in months, with at least 25 people killed in the night sky. In the aftermath, Rinat Akhmetov, the country's wealthiest oligarch and owner of Shakhtar Donetsk, gives a rare interview from a location outside Kyiv. This conversation marks the 90th anniversary of the club and the 30th year of Akhmetov's leadership, offering a unique insight into how the war has reshaped his personal and professional life.From Coal Traders to Champions: The Akhmetov StrategyAkhmetov’s rise from a child in 1970s Donbas to the owner of one of eastern Europe’s most influential football clubs is a story of calculated risk and strategic foresight. His journey began not in football, but in the volatile economy of the 1990s.The Proximity of Danger: Akhmetov was five seconds away from death when his business partner and predecessor, Akhat Bragin, was killed in a stadium explosion in 1995. This tragedy left the club abandoned, with players earning as little as $200 or $300 a month.Industrial Expansion: Leveraging the collapse of the Soviet Union, Akhmetov moved from trading coke and coal to acquiring cheap stakes in metallurgy plants. He revitalized the Yenakiieve plant, where workers previously earned $45 a month, transforming it into a globally competitive enterprise.Breaking the Mold: To break Dynamo Kyiv's dominance, Akhmetov hired foreign managers like Nevio Scala and Mircea Lucescu. He argued that a patriot is someone who works for Ukraine's benefit, regardless of origin, a philosophy that yielded 22 trophies over 12 years.The Financial Toll of Occupation and the Iron and Steelworks of AzovstalThe conflict in Donbas has been devastating for Akhmetov’s industrial empire. Since the occupation began in 2014, his businesses have suffered severe losses. The Azovstal iron and steelworks became a global symbol of Ukraine's resilience during the 2022 siege, though it came at a massive cost to the local economy.Shakhtar was forced to flee their home, losing the Donbas Arena—a stadium that once held 40,000 to 50,000 fans—to the occupying forces. The club's relocation to Lviv and Poland turned them into a powerful ambassador for the Ukrainian state, using the Conference League semi-finals to keep the world's attention on the war.Shakhtar as a Symbol of Ukrainian ResilienceAkhmetov reveals that Shakhtar has always been pro-Ukrainian, evidenced by their 2007 decision to use the Ukrainian spelling of their name over the Russian one. However, the full-scale invasion has crystallized this identity. The club is now viewed globally as a symbol of the fight for independence, sovereignty, and freedom.The Road to Donbas: A Promise Kept and BrokenFor years, Akhmetov maintained a moral imperative: he vowed not to attend another game until Shakhtar returned to their beloved Donbas Arena. This promise was broken last month when he returned for the Conference League quarter-final following the death of his long-time manager, Mircea Lucescu. The spontaneous decision was driven by emotion, as the players' applause during the warm-up moved him to tears. It marks a significant moment in the club's history, signaling a potential return to the region that birthed them, even as the war continues.

A sharp political row has ignited between the central government in Madrid and the Basque regional authorities over a request to display Picasso’s Guernica at the Guggenheim Museum in Bilbao from 1 October to 30 June, coinciding with the 90th anniversary of the town’s devastating aerial attack.The masterpiece has been housed in Madrid’s Reina Sofía museum since 1992, and previous appeals to relocate it to the Basque Country have been consistently rejected.The latest demand has seen Isabel Díaz Ayuso, the outspoken conservative president of the Community of Madrid, and Aitor Esteban, leader of the Basque nationalist party, exchange barbed remarks, each accusing the other of a “provincial” outlook.Ayuso argued that moving the painting “doesn’t make sense” and quipped that, if origin mattered, “all of Picasso’s works should be sent to Málaga,” the artist’s birthplace. She also warned that the Reina Sofía fears the relocation could damage the delicate canvas.Esteban shot back, suggesting that Ayuso’s notion of national identity was reduced to “drinking beer on a terrace bar,” a jab at her stance on keeping Madrid’s bars open during the pandemic.Basque president Imanol Pradales challenged the Spanish government’s resolve, asking whether it could muster the courage to move Guernica after having “dragged Franco out of his tomb.” He framed the decision as a test of political will.The Basque administration proposes to exhibit the work at the Guggenheim for eight months, framing the display as a tribute to the victims of the 1937 bombing of the town of Guernica.The black‑and‑white canvas captures the horror of the attack carried out by the German Condor Legion and the Italian air force on 26 April 1937, an early example of strategic aerial bombardment of civilians during the Spanish Civil War.Casualty estimates for the raid vary widely—from as few as 126 to as many as 1,654 dead—yet the painting has become an enduring global symbol of the atrocities of war.After its debut at the 1937 Paris International Exposition, Guernica toured Europe and the United States. Picasso, who opposed its return to Spain under Franco’s dictatorship, later allowed it to reside at New York’s Museum of Modern Art (MoMA) for several decades.Art historian Francisco Chaparro cautioned that, while the Spanish government cannot entirely rule out a move, the risk of damage must outweigh any political motivations. He likened the situation to the Mona Lisa’s permanent stay at the Louvre and Velázquez’s *Las Meninas* at the Prado, noting that Guernica has been “rolled and unrolled on numerous occasions.”Artist José Manuel Ballester reminded observers that Picasso himself had envisioned the painting hanging in the Prado, a position he never assumed during the civil war.In 2000, the Reina Sofía rejected a request from MoMA to loan Guernica, declaring that the “great icon of our museum must remain, without exception, separate from the policy on lending works to other museums.”Note: The article was amended on 7 April 2026 to include the German Condor Legion alongside the Italian air force in describing the 1937 bombing.