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Fuel prices in Northern Ireland have experienced the sharpest increase in the UK since the beginning of the Iran war. Petrol prices have jumped by 19% and diesel by 35% since the end of February. A 50-litre tank now costs an average of £75 for petrol and £91 for diesel, up from £63 for petrol and £67 for diesel on 28 February.Northern Ireland previously had some of the lowest fuel prices in the UK due to tighter competition and links to Ireland. However, the gap with other regions has narrowed, with prices remaining the lowest in the UK. Across the UK, fuel prices continue to rise as the Middle East conflict shows no sign of de-escalation. Petrol prices have jumped by 16% and diesel by 30% since the start of the war.Analysis of Eurostat and UK government data reveals that only seven other European countries have recorded larger increases in petrol prices than Northern Ireland. The pattern is similar for diesel, with prices jumping by up to 44% in Estonia. In the UK, the north has seen the sharpest increase in petrol prices among English regions, with drivers paying an average of 154p a litre, up 17% from 132p a litre on the day the war broke out.Price increases in rural areas are similar to urban areas, but data shows that at least 100 stations in mostly rural parts of England and Scotland are charging between 180p and 210p a litre for petrol. The average petrol price for 10 major retailers has risen sharply, with Shell petrol stations charging an average of 158p a litre for standard unleaded petrol.Simon Williams, head of policy at the motoring services company RAC, said: “Drivers hitting the roads this Easter weekend will be faced with some truly eye-watering fuel prices.” Separate official data analysed by RAC showed that petrol prices have gone up nearly 22p a litre – or 16% – to an average of 154.45p since the beginning of the war.

Labour has challenged Nigel Farage over the cost of his private jet trip to the Maldives, questioning his claim that it cost as little as £25,000. Farage, the leader of Reform UK, initially recorded the two-day trip as costing £12,500, funded by Thailand-based Reform megadonor Christopher Harborne, before later upgrading the cost to £25,000. The Labour Party's chair, Anna Turley, wrote to Farage arguing that chartering a private jet of a similar size would cost many times more than the sum declared. According to publicly available flight logs, the 11,000-mile round trip lasted just over 23 hours, using a model of plane that is currently advertised on multiple private jet websites as costing at least $11,500 (£8,500) per hour to charter. Turley highlighted that the plane's ownership is linked to Harborne, who has given the party more than £12m. She asked Farage to clarify how he valued the cost of the flight, which did not end in him reaching the Chagos Islands, as he did not have permission. Farage has described the visit as a "humanitarian mission", saying he undertook the trip to highlight the plight of the Chagossians, whose families were removed from the islands in the 1960s and are seeking to return. The trip has sparked controversy over the valuation of the private jet donation and Farage's attempts to reach the Chagos Islands, which are subject to a UK government decision to hand sovereignty to Mauritius.

The unexpected return of two William Hartnell episodes to the BBC archive has sent shockwaves of excitement through the Whovian community. For the first time since 1965, fans can now enjoy the first quarter of the 12-part adventure 'The Daleks' Master Plan.'The surviving five episodes are now on iPlayer, and the first three make for a stirring introduction to the adventure, with large impressive sets for the Earth control centre and the Dalek ship, contrasting with the dense forbidding foliage of the planet Kembel. Frequent tight closeup shots from director Douglas Camfield on the faces of the cast add to a claustrophobic feel in the jungle sequences.At the time, Hartnell was not to know that within a year he would be 'renewed' as the lead of the show by Patrick Troughton. Hartnell's health problems, reputation for being difficult on set and frequent flubbing of lines during a production schedule that allowed little leeway for second takes has tainted his tenure in the role.Here, especially in the opener, we get to see him in some of his strongest moments as the Doctor. With Stephen (Peter Purves) incapacitated by the poison he picked up in Troy, and Katarina (Adrienne Hill) little more than a hollow vessel of a character, Hartnell has much more to do than usual. The actor gets to show the gleeful side of his nature as he delights at his own invention of the magnetic chair and his ingenuity at repelling – at least initially – boarders to the spaceship.Rediscovering episode one also means we can enjoy beloved children's television presenter Brian Cant flexing his acting chops in something other than Playschool, and all three episodes prominently feature Nicholas Courtney, who would go on to play Brigadier Lethbridge-Stewart for 40 years, as Bret Vyon. A highlight is the Addams family-esque kookiness of the aliens making up the Dalek council, which is certainly preferable to the somewhat cliched prison planet savages set-up of part three.The biggest mystery, of course, is how these episodes have ended up surviving. Film is Fabulous, the people who secured them, have said they are respecting the wishes of the estate of the person who was holding and keeping them anonymous. Perhaps the most intriguing thing is that, given it was never sold overseas, the missing episodes of the Daleks' Master Plan were among the least likely to ever be found, but two episodes were sitting in those film cans all along. Who knows what else might still be out there?

At least 43 civilians were killed and 44 houses set ablaze during an assault by the Allied Democratic Forces (ADF) in Bafwakoa, located in Mambasa territory of Ituri province, according to the Congolese army.Lieutenant Jules Tshikudi Ngongo, the army’s regional spokesperson, said the attack occurred on Thursday and that the death toll could rise as search operations continue.The ADF, a rebel outfit that pledged allegiance to ISIL, has been increasingly targeting civilians in Ituri and the neighboring North Kivu province, despite joint Congolese‑Ugandan military campaigns launched in 2021.Witnesses reported that victims were killed with machetes, some perished in house fires, and two individuals were abducted, according to local customary official Christian Alimasi.The incident underscores the army’s difficulty in containing the ADF, which operates alongside other insurgent groups such as the Rwandan‑backed M23, responsible for seizing the major eastern city of Goma last year.Data from research firm Insecurity Insight indicates the ADF accounted for roughly 25% of civilian‑targeted violence in eastern DRC between 2020 and 2025, reflecting its significant presence in the region.Last year, the ADF’s attacks resulted in 66 deaths and multiple abductions, signalling a troubling escalation in its campaign against local populations.

Three United Nations experts have urged for a thorough and independent investigation into Israel's recent killing of three journalists in Lebanon, condemning the incident as 'another egregious attack on press freedom by Israeli forces.'The UN special rapporteurs, Irene Khan, Morris Tidball-Binz, and Ben Saul, emphasized that journalists carrying out their professional duties in armed conflict are civilians and must not be targeted or made the object of attack.They stated that the deliberate killing of journalists not directly participating in hostilities constitutes a serious violation of international human rights and humanitarian law and a war crime. The experts also stressed that working for media outlets affiliated with an armed group does not mean journalists are directly participating in hostilities under international law.The Israeli military killed Al Mayadeen journalist Fatima Ftouni, her brother Mohamad Ftouni, and Al-Manar's Ali Shoaib in a targeted strike on their car in southern Lebanon on March 28. Israel accused Shoaib of being a fighter with the Lebanese armed group Hezbollah, but provided no evidence and was rejected by Shoaib's colleagues and the UN experts.The UN experts warned that Israel's killing of Lebanese journalists is part of an effort to silence reporting on Israel's military action in Lebanon and shut down news coverage of war crimes, similar to what occurred in Gaza. They also noted that Israel was responsible for two-thirds of all killings of journalists in 2024 and 2025, according to the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ).At least 1,345 people have been killed and 4,040 wounded in intensified Israeli attacks across Lebanon since early March, according to the Lebanese Ministry of Health.

Human Rights Watch (HRW) released a comprehensive report titled None Can Run Away, concluding that Burkina Faso’s military, its allied Volunteers for the Defence of the Homeland (VDPs), and the al‑Qaeda‑linked Jama’at Nusrat al‑Islam wa al‑Muslimin (JNIM) have perpetrated war crimes and crimes against humanity since the coup that brought the junta to power in September 2022. Through in‑person and telephone interviews with more than 450 witnesses across Burkina Faso, Benin, Ivory Coast, Ghana and Mali, HRW verified 57 distinct incidents involving wilful killing, attacks on civilians and civilian objects, pillage, looting, and forced displacement. The report estimates that 1,837 civilians were killed between January 2023 and August 2025, with over 1,200 deaths directly linked to government forces. The United Nations estimates that the conflict has displaced approximately two million people, underscoring a humanitarian crisis of regional magnitude. Among the deadliest attacks, the military and VDP militias slaughtered more than 400 civilians across 16 villages near the northern town of Djibo in December 2023. In November 2023, allied militias killed 13 Fulani civilians—including six women and four children—in the western village of Basse, employing methods described by survivors as “blindfolded, hands tied, and riddled with bullets.” JNIM’s own atrocities were highlighted by the August 24, 2024 massacre in Barsalogho, where at least 133 civilians, many of them children, were shot indiscriminately. HRW’s findings point to a systematic targeting of the Fulani ethnic group, whom the junta accuses of supporting armed insurgents, resulting in what the report characterises as an ethnic cleansing of entire communities. HRW calls for urgent investigations into President Ibrahim Traoré, the supreme commander of the armed forces, and six senior military commanders for “grave abuses.” The organization also urges scrutiny of Iyad Ag Ghaly, JNIM’s supreme leader wanted by the International Criminal Court, and four of his commanders under the principle of command responsibility. “The scale of atrocities taking place in Burkina Faso is mind‑boggling, as is the lack of global attention to this crisis,” said Philippe Bolopion, executive director of HRW. “The junta is committing horrific abuses itself, failing to hold those responsible on all sides to account, and curtailing reporting to obscure the suffering of civilians caught in the violence.” Survivors recount harrowing details: a 41‑year‑old father described his son’s body “shot in the back of the neck,” while a 39‑year‑old witness to the Barsalogho attack said, “People were falling like flies. They came to exterminate us. They did not spare anyone.” These revelations amplify calls from the international community for accountability and for renewed humanitarian assistance to the millions displaced by the protracted Sahel conflict.

The US government shutdown affecting the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) will persist, despite the Senate passing a funding bill. The partial shutdown, which began on February 14, will continue until at least Monday, when the House of Representatives reconvenes.The stalemate centers on whether DHS should reform its immigration procedures, following criticism of President Donald Trump’s mass deportation push. Democrats have refused to pass funding to Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) and Customs and Border Protection (CBP) without reforms to their practices.The shutdown has had several knock-on effects, including airport delays and unpaid workers. DHS, which oversees the Transportation Security Administration (TSA), has seen its airport security agents go without pay for six weeks. With agents calling out sick or leaving their jobs, US airports have reported long lines and widespread travel delays.President Trump has endorsed a plan to fully fund DHS, which involves a two-track approach: passing a bill to fund the department, except for ICE and CBP, and then funding ICE and CBP through separate spending legislation. Trump has also vowed to pay 'all' DHS employees, although details on how this will be achieved are unclear.The shutdown has been politically unpopular, with unions and transportation safety groups criticizing the strain it has placed on workers and airport security. Democrats have sought to leverage the funding bill to press for changes to Trump’s immigration policy, while Republicans have accused them of putting Americans' livelihoods in jeopardy for political gains.

Despite a United Nations-led ceasefire in Yemen, which largely reduced hostilities four years ago, nearly 1,200 children have been killed or injured due to shelling, gunfire, landmines, and other explosive remnants of war. According to Save the Children, since the truce brokered on April 2, 2022, at least 339 children have been killed and 843 injured, with some suffering life-altering injuries.The United Kingdom-based humanitarian organization found that 511 child casualties, nearly one in two, were due to landmines and explosive remnants of war. Data from the Civilian Impact Monitoring Project (CIMP) suggested that children were more than three times more likely than adults to be killed or injured by explosive remnants. Save the Children attributed this to a lack of mine risk awareness and increased exposure due to child labor.“These figures are a reminder that beyond the front lines, the war on children continues in their homes, schools and areas where they play and help their families tend to land,” said Rishana Haniffa, Save the Children’s country director in Yemen. “Amid escalating wider regional tensions, there is a real risk of triggering a wider confrontation in Yemen and the Red Sea that could undermine hard-won progress to reduce armed violence in the country in the past four years, exposing children to even more harm.”The conflict in Yemen has also led to significant psychological distress in children, with blast injuries causing permanent disabilities, including injuries to the spine, amputation of limbs, and loss of sight and hearing. Children have experienced difficulty sleeping, daily fear, and anxiety, with some, like Kamal, undergoing life-changing surgery.

The United Nations‑backed Gang Suppression Force (GSF) announced on Wednesday that its first foreign troops have landed in Haiti, signalling a new phase in the international effort to tame the country’s spiralling gang warfare.An advance team of soldiers from Chad arrived in Port‑au‑Prince, accompanied by Jack Christofides, a South African UN official appointed to lead the mission’s operations on the ground.The deployment is the initial step of a force slated to expand to 5,500 personnel with a 12‑month mandate. The GSF was authorized by the UN Security Council last September as a replacement for the earlier Kenyan‑led multinational security mission, which has struggled with funding shortfalls, insufficient manpower and limited institutional backing.Unlike its predecessor, which was limited to supporting Haitian police, the new force will have the authority to make arrests and conduct direct operations against groups designated as gangs. The concept was first put forward by the United States and Panama to “neutralise, isolate and deter” criminal networks.During the Security Council vote, twelve members voted in favour of the force, while China, Russia and Pakistan abstained. Russia’s representative, Vassily Nebenzia, criticised the plan as “rushed” and warned that its broad language could enable abuses, noting that the mandate permits the use of force against anyone labelled a gang.Haiti’s recent history of foreign intervention adds a layer of sensitivity to the deployment. Past UN peacekeeping missions have been linked to a cholera outbreak that claimed roughly 10,000 lives after the 2010 earthquake, and UN personnel have faced accusations of sexual assault in earlier decades.Gang control has tightened dramatically since the 2021 assassination of President Jovenel Moïse. Analysts estimate that up to 90 % of Port‑au‑Prince is now under gang influence, with around 26 criminal groups operating in the capital. The UN estimates that at least 16,000 people have been killed since 2022 and that more than 1.5 million have been displaced, many facing food insecurity. A recent human‑rights report recorded 5,519 gang‑related deaths and 2,608 injuries between March 2025 and mid‑January 2026, alongside reports of extrajudicial killings and sexual violence.The arrival of the GSF coincides with Haiti’s tentative steps toward a national election scheduled for August, where roughly 300 political parties and groups have registered. Acting Prime Minister Alix Didier Fils‑Aime has recently met with UN officials to discuss the new force’s role in stabilising the country ahead of the vote.