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Israel and Lebanon dispute a new 10‑km “Yellow Line” zone in southern Lebanon, set up hours after a 10‑day ceasefire began Thursday night after 46 days of Israeli bombardment, prompting legal concerns.The ceasefire, intended to halt 46 days of Israeli air strikes and a ground incursion, was quickly undermined as Israeli troops carried out demolitions, artillery shelling and land‑clearing operations in border villages, actions that many observers say breach the agreement.Israel describes the zone as a reinforced security buffer extending roughly 10 km north of the border, intended to "root out Hezbollah" and remain under Israeli control. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu emphasized that the strip is "much stronger, more intense, more continuous and more solid" than any previous arrangement and that Israeli forces will not withdraw.Lebanese officials and Hezbollah reject the move, labeling it an occupation of sovereign territory that violates the ceasefire's premise. The group warned that any unilateral Israeli actions would be met with resistance and called the truce "an insult to our country."Analysts note that the ceasefire text contains contradictory clauses: it calls for a cessation of hostilities while simultaneously preserving Israel's right to take "all necessary measures in self‑defence" against "planned, imminent, or ongoing attacks." This wording, according to Al Jazeera’s Heidi Pett, gives Israel broad latitude to interpret threats and continue operations.Since the ceasefire’s start, Israeli forces have launched air strikes targeting alleged fighters near the Yellow Line and have demolished homes in the town of Haneen. Artillery fire has also been reported near Beit Lif, al‑Qantara and Toul, and bulldozers continue land‑clearing work across several southern Lebanese villages.Hezbollah has linked the ceasefire to broader regional diplomacy, noting that a stable truce in Lebanon is a prerequisite for any meaningful US‑Iran talks. Iranian officials have echoed this stance, warning that continued Israeli aggression could jeopardise future negotiations.Some commentators, such as Abed Abou Shhadeh, argue that Israel may be using the Yellow Line as leverage for future talks, potentially turning a temporary buffer into a longer‑term occupation—mirroring Israel’s historic hold on the Shebaa Farms, the Syrian Golan Heights and parts of the West Bank.Both Israeli and Lebanese officials publicly affirm that the ceasefire remains in effect, yet the ongoing military activities suggest a de‑facto erosion of its terms, raising fears among Lebanese citizens that the "Yellow Line" could become a permanent foothold for Israeli forces inside Lebanon.

Syria has taken full control of every former U.S. military site, completing a handover that Damascus says demonstrates the successful absorption of Kurdish‑led fighters into national structures.The final U.S. convoy departed Qasrak air base in Hasakah on Thursday, ending a presence that began in 2014 when American troops entered the fight against ISIL alongside Kurdish units that later formed the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF).In Damascus, President Ahmed al‑Sharaa received the two most senior SDF officials – military commander Mazloum Abdi and political head Ilham Ahmad – accompanied by Foreign Minister Asaad Hassan al‑Shaibani and the presidential envoy overseeing the integration process.The Ministry of Foreign Affairs hailed the completed handover as evidence of the government’s drive to bring the entire country, including border areas and the northeast, under a single state authority. It stressed that the transfer was carried out in full coordination with the United States, pointing to a constructive relationship that dates back to al‑Sharaa’s 2025 meeting with then‑U.S. President Donald Trump.U.S. Central Command confirmed that American forces have “completed turning over all of our major bases in Syria as part of a deliberate and conditions‑based transition.”The handover follows a January cease‑fire agreement between Damascus and the SDF and a March integration pact that places Kurdish fighters into the Syrian national army, deploys Syrian security forces to the city centres of Hasakah and Qamishli, and transfers control of border crossings and civilian institutions to Damascus.Syria’s entry into the international coalition against ISIL in November reshaped its role from obstacle to partner, fundamentally altering the rationale for a continued U.S. military footprint.Analyst Charles Lister noted that the last U.S. convoy was routed overland through Jordan rather than Iraq to reduce exposure to potential attacks by Iranian‑backed militias operating in the region.

The U.S. House of Representatives voted to prolong Temporary Protected Status (TPS) for an estimated 350,000 Haitian nationals residing in the United States, marking a clear departure from President Donald Trump’s immigration agenda. In a tightly contested vote, the measure passed 224 to 204, with ten Republicans breaking ranks to join the Democratic majority. The legislation would keep TPS in place for an additional three years, citing the persistent violence and political instability that continue to plague Haiti. Following House approval, the bill proceeds to the Senate, where its fate remains uncertain. Should it clear that chamber, Trump has signaled he would veto the extension, setting up a direct showdown between the executive branch and a bipartisan Congress. Democratic Representative Ayanna Pressley, co‑chair of the House Haiti Caucus, hailed the vote as “a monumental victory” and emphasized that the decision reflects both practical policy and humanitarian responsibility. The legislation advanced through a bipartisan discharge petition, a procedural tool that circumvents the Republican leadership’s control of the House agenda, underscoring the urgency lawmakers feel about protecting Haitian residents. President Trump and his administration have repeatedly sought to roll back TPS designations, arguing that prior extensions exceeded executive authority and conflicted with U.S. “national interests.” This stance is part of a broader effort to tighten immigration controls, including proposals to deport Haitian legal permanent residents alleged to have gang ties. TPS, by design, shields foreign nationals already in the U.S. from removal when their home countries face temporary crises such as natural disasters or armed conflict, while also granting limited work authorization. Haiti’s deteriorating security situation—exacerbated since the 2021 assassination of President Jovenel Moïse—has seen powerful gangs dominate large swaths of Port‑au‑Prince, prompting the State Department to issue travel warnings for U.S. citizens. Advocacy groups warn that the looming threat of deportation adds severe stress to Haitian communities in the United States, urging Congress to act swiftly to prevent further trauma. Meanwhile, the Supreme Court is slated to hear a case that could accelerate the administration’s push to rescind deportation protections for both Haitians and Syrians, adding another layer of legal uncertainty to the issue.

A French court has convicted cement giant Lafarge of financing terrorism through its Syrian subsidiary, fining the company €1.12 million ($1.32m) and confiscating €30 million ($35.1m) worth of its assets. The court also sentenced former CEO Bruno Lafont to six years in jail.The Paris court ruled that Lafarge had paid protection money directly to ISIL (ISIS) and other armed groups, breaching European sanctions to operate in northern Syria during the country's civil war in 2013-2014. The company paid a total of €5.59 million ($6.55m) to armed groups in Syria, including to ISIL and the al-Nusra Front.The court found that Lafarge's payments helped to strengthen groups that carried out deadly attacks in Syria and beyond. The company's former deputy managing director, Christian Herrault, was sentenced to five years in jail, while other former employees received fines and sentences ranging from one to seven years.The case marks the first time a company has been tried in France for financing terrorism. Lafarge, now part of Swiss building materials conglomerate Holcim, acknowledged paying nearly €13 million ($15.2m) to middlemen to keep its Syrian cement factory running during the war. The company claimed it bore no responsibility for the money winding up in the hands of armed groups.In a separate case in the United States, Lafarge admitted to paying $6m to ISIL and the al-Nusra Front to allow employees, customers, and suppliers to pass through checkpoints. The company paid $778m in forfeiture and fines as part of a plea agreement.

A French court has fined Lafarge, a French cement maker, more than €1m (£870,000) and sentenced its former boss, Bruno Lafont, to six years in prison for paying protection money to Islamic State and other terror groups to maintain its business in war-torn Syria from 2013 to 2014.The ruling follows a 2022 case in the United States in which Lafarge pleaded guilty to conspiring to provide material support to US-designated “terrorist” organisations and agreed to pay a $778m fine (£580m). This was the first time a company had faced the charge.The Paris court found that Lafarge, which is now part of the Swiss conglomerate Holcim, paid nearly €5.6m via its subsidiary Lafarge Cement Syria (LCS) to terror groups and intermediaries to keep its plant operating in northern Syria.The company’s former chief executive, Bruno Lafont, was sentenced to six years in prison for financing terrorism, which a judge ordered him to start serving immediately. Lafont’s lawyer said he would appeal.The presiding judge, Isabelle Prevost-Desprez, said: “This method of financing terrorist organisations, and primarily IS, was essential in enabling the terrorist organisation to gain control of Syria’s natural resources, allowing it to finance terrorist acts within the region and those planned abroad, particularly in Europe.”Lafarge established a “genuine commercial partnership with IS”, she said, which added to the “extreme gravity of the offences”.Lafarge had finished building a $680m factory in Jalabiya in 2010, just before Syria’s civil war erupted in March the following year amid opposition to the brutal repression of anti-government protests by the then president, Bashar al-Assad.While other multinational companies left Syria in 2012, Lafarge evacuated only its expatriate employees and left its Syrian staff in place until September 2014, when IS seized control of the factory.In 2013 and 2014, LCS paid intermediaries to access raw materials from the Islamic State organisation and other groups and to allow free movement for the company’s trucks and employees. It paid groups including Islamic State and Syria’s then al-Qaida affiliate Jabhat al-Nusra.

While the two‑week pause in the US‑Israel campaign against Iran remains uncertain, one constant is clear: Donald Trump lacks a concrete plan, but Benjamin Netanyahu does. The war’s stated aim – to cripple Iran’s state capacity – is only a stepping stone toward a larger vision of a Greater Israel. For Israel’s right‑wing, the phrase often evokes a purely territorial ambition: enlarging the land Israel claims. History shows this expansionist drive has repeatedly displaced Palestinians, a process that has accelerated dramatically in recent years. Since the war began, Israel has flattened Gaza, killing tens of thousands and reducing the civilian‑inhabitable area to roughly 12 % of its pre‑war size. In the West Bank, a wave of settlement expansion and property destruction rivals the scale of the 1967 conflict. Beyond the occupied territories, Israel has seized parts of Syria and is forging a de‑facto occupation zone in southern Lebanon, with ministers from Religious Zionism, Jewish Power and Likud openly demanding Israeli sovereignty there. Finance minister Bezalel Smotrich even called for an expansion “to Damascus,” and Netanyahu has publicly expressed a deep personal connection to this territorial vision. However, Greater Israel is as much a geopolitical and strategic construct as a land‑grab. Netanyahu’s ambition extends beyond occupying borders; he seeks a regional dominion built on new alliances and hard‑power dependencies. After the October 7 attacks and the ensuing Gaza devastation, Israel’s prospects for Arab‑state normalization stalled. Faced with a choice between a conciliatory approach and a zero‑sum rejection of a Palestinian future, Netanyahu chose the latter, aiming to eliminate Iran as a regional counterweight – a move that inevitably required massive US military involvement. Former Israeli security analysts note that, from the perspective of Sunni Gulf states, a weakened Iran would elevate Israel to the role of “dominant regional power.” Achieving this, according to the article, also means softening the Gulf Cooperation Council (Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, UAE) and making them dependent on Israel for security and energy routes. The spill‑over of Iranian drone and missile attacks on GCC infrastructure is portrayed not as an accident but as a calculated element of Israel’s strategy. When the US‑Israel coalition struck Iranian energy sites, Iran retaliated against the Gulf, disrupting global oil flows through the Strait of Hormuz. Netanyahu seized the moment to propose “alternative routes” – oil and gas pipelines that would bypass Hormuz and Bab‑al‑Mandab, ending at Israeli Mediterranean ports. In a meeting with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Netanyahu outlined a “hexagon of alliances” linking India, Arab nations, African states, Greece, Cyprus and other Asian partners, positioning Israel as the central hub. Recent IDF strategy papers echo this, suggesting Israel could achieve “operational control” far beyond its borders without permanent occupation, likening the Middle East to a “jungle” where Israel would become the “queen.” Netanyahu now describes Israel not merely as a “regional superpower” but, in some contexts, as a “global superpower.” He promises the hexagonal alliance will confront a “radical Shia axis” and an “emerging radical Sunni axis,” with Turkey singled out as the next strategic threat. Dismissal of the Greater Israel rhetoric as wartime hyperbole would be misleading. The article warns that a permanent war‑oriented mindset permeates Israel’s political elite, security establishment and media, posing a risk of overreach and regional blowback. Containing this expansive vision may become one of the most pressing post‑war challenges for the Middle East.

The story of Eva Dumani, a 20-year-old Albanian woman who was kidnapped at the age of nine and held in a Syrian camp for 12 years, has shed light on the plight of thousands of foreign nationals still detained in similar conditions. Dumani's emotional reunion with her uncle, Xhetan Ndregjoni, after escaping from the al-Hawl camp, has highlighted the urgent need for governments to repatriate their citizens held in these camps. The collapse of al-Hawl camp and the uncertainty over the future of the smaller al-Roj facility have raised concerns about the security and well-being of those left behind, including women and children from over 40 countries with alleged ties to Islamic State. According to Devorah Margolin, a senior fellow at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, governments can no longer ignore the issue and must take proactive steps to repatriate their citizens and provide them with trauma-informed care and reintegration support. The humanitarian crisis in these camps has been well-documented, with Human Rights Watch describing the conditions as “inhuman, degrading, and life-threatening”. Many women and children have been held without charge or trial for years, and there are concerns about their vulnerability to exploitation and recruitment by extremist groups. In a recent development, Belgium has arrested a woman charged in absentia for IS membership upon her return from Syria, while Australian authorities are working to repatriate over 30 Australians who attempted to leave the al-Roj camp. The Albanian government has faced criticism for its handling of the situation, with Ndregjoni calling on the government to bring back home the remaining Albanians still trapped in northern Syria.

The UK government's spending on foreign aid has hit its lowest level in nearly two decades, with provisional data showing 0.43% of national income allocated to official development assistance (ODA) in 2025, down from 0.5% in 2024 and matching the level in 2008. The total ODA spend in 2025 was just over £13bn, an annual decrease of £1bn, or 7.4%. This decline has raised alarms among humanitarian experts, who warn that the cuts are having severe consequences, particularly for marginalized communities across Africa. Gideon Rabinowitz, director of policy and advocacy at Bond, emphasized that life-saving humanitarian programs, including education provision in Syria and healthcare programs across Africa, have already been forced to close. He warned that with even deeper cuts expected, the worst consequences are yet to be realized. The Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) noted that a projected 9% to 17% drop of ODA among its members in 2025 would hit the poorest countries hardest. The UK's reduction in aid spending has been criticized by campaigners and aid organizers, who argue it will cause widespread damage and weaken the UK's influence overseas. In response, the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office stated that national security is the government's first duty and that the decision to reduce ODA spending to 0.3% of GNI by 2027 was necessary to fund an increase in defense spending. However, they emphasized that the UK remains committed to safeguarding standards and protecting women and girls.

The Black Death, which occurred between 1346 and 1353, was a pandemic that killed an estimated 100 million people, making it the most lethal natural disaster in human history. Historian Thomas Asbridge argues that the plague was more global than previously thought, affecting not just Europe but also the medieval world, including Sicily, Egypt, Syria, Spain, Sweden, and Russia.In his book, 'The Black Death: A Global History', Asbridge explores the social and economic impact of the pandemic, including the rise of antisemitism and the blaming of Jews for the plague, which led to massacres and persecution. He also examines the long-term consequences of the pandemic, including the end of serfdom and the weakening of the Byzantine Empire.Asbridge's work is based on a thorough analysis of contemporary chronicles and bureaucratic records, which provide a vivid picture of life during the pandemic. He also highlights the resilience of society during this time, with most people continuing to work and care for their loved ones, even in the face of overwhelming death and destruction.The book is a magisterial survey of the Black Death, offering a comprehensive and engaging history of one of the most significant events in human history. Asbridge's work is a timely reminder of the ongoing threat of pandemics and the importance of understanding their impact on human society.