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The Core Argument: Tech Monopoly Undermines DemocracyMordecai Kurz contends that today’s tech giants are hoarding cultural and technological influence, creating a “second Gilded Age” that weakens democratic institutions and fuels economic disenfranchisement.Monopoly Power and the New Gilded AgeKurz traces a historical pattern from the late 19th‑century industrialists—Andrew Carnegie and John D. Rockefeller—to modern firms such as Microsoft and OpenAI. He notes that, like the original Gilded Age, contemporary leaders view themselves as “superior beings” destined to shape society, citing Anthropic CEO Dario Amodei’s claim that AI could become a transcendent good while also acknowledging its potential to cause mass unemployment.Economic Indicators of ConcentrationReversal of New Deal‑era reforms in the Reagan era allowed monopoly power to expand.Wages for blue‑collar workers without college degrees have stagnated while the cost of living has risen.Tech startups increasingly design themselves for acquisition rather than competition, signaling entrenched monopoly dynamics.Consequences for Democratic InstitutionsAccording to Kurz, the concentration of wealth enables tech firms to wield outsized lobbying power, influencing policy and protecting their market dominance. Unregulated social‑media algorithms amplify polarization for profit, and unchecked AI threatens to displace not only low‑skill workers but also professionals such as doctors, lawyers, and engineers.Path Forward: Reform ScenariosKurz proposes a reform cycle reminiscent of the post‑Great Depression era:Implement taxes and redistribution mechanisms targeting excess wealth accumulated by monopolistic tech firms.Government‑subsidized retraining programs for workers displaced by AI, with incentives for companies that hire them.Legal liability for misinformation on platforms to curb harmful content.He warns that “Trumpism will not go in a whimper” and that a major recession or depression may be required before a new reform wave can take hold, but remains optimistic that a more humane form of capitalism can eventually restore democratic balance.

The Bread Crisis in Gaza Standing in a long queue under the beating sun, 14-year-old Muhammed al-Roubi was waiting to buy bread. But there was a strong chance that, despite his patience, he would not get any. A flour and fuel shortage in recent weeks, brought on by Israeli restrictions on imports into Gaza, means that bakeries cannot produce as much bread as Palestinians in Gaza need. Shortages and Struggles Palestinians, the vast majority of them living displaced as a result of Israel's genocidal war on the territory, are instead forced to wait for hours in queues outside of the few remaining bakeries to get subsidised bread packages. "My uncle's family and ours live in the same house, and we share food, so we need a large amount of bread every day," said al-Roubi, who had come to the bakery with his cousin before separating and joining different queues. "That is why my cousin and I each stand in a separate line," he explained. "Some days, we return empty-handed because the bread runs out and there are too many people." The Impact of Israeli Restrictions The growing queues at the few remaining distribution points reflect the current decline in production levels, while demand continues to rise, driving increased prices and the growth of a black market. Ismail al-Thawabta, the head of Gaza's Government Media Office, said last month that the territory needs about 450 tonnes of flour per day, but that only 200 tonnes were coming in. Recent shortages stem from Israel's decision to close the crossings into Gaza on February 28, when Israel launched a joint war with the United States on Iran. The crossings partially reopened after a few days, but traffic through them has been limited. Multiple Crises in Gaza Gaza is facing multiple crises alongside the bread shortage, including a sharp decrease in cooking gas supplies, which were already limited. The provision of cooking gas, overseen by Gaza's Ministry of Economy through gas distributors and stations, has slowed from once every six weeks to once every three months due to the limited quantities Israel allows into the enclave. The price of firewood, an alternative fuel for cooking and baking, has also risen. The Future Outlook Having hardly recovered from the famine last year, Palestinians in Gaza fear that the expansion of the humanitarian crisis could mean a return to the hunger, which only ended with the October "ceasefire". "During the last famine, people were dying from hunger and for a piece of bread," said Maysar. "Did the world not see that? This crisis must be solved before it becomes worse."

The Resurgence of ISWAP and Boko Haram The killing of Abu-Bilal al-Minuki, the second-in-command of ISIL (ISIS), by United States and Nigerian forces marks a notable achievement for counterterrorism. Yet for analysts observing the Lake Chad Basin, it highlights how persistent and complex insecurity in the region has become. Borders, Weak Governance, and Violence Spike Al-Minuki, a Nigerian national from Borno State, was operating out of a compound near Lake Chad, at the centre of one of the world’s most active armed group theatres. His choice of northeastern Nigeria as a base underscores the conditions driving a renewed surge of violence by both the ISIL affiliate in West Africa Province (ISWAP) and its rival, Jama’at Ahl al-Sunna li al-Da’wa wa al-Jihad (JAS), more widely known as Boko Haram. The Data Analysis 2.9 million internally displaced people in the region, including 2.3 million in Nigeria. 1,827 schools across the Lake Chad Basin have been closed due to violence. Humanitarian actors received just 19 percent of the funding required for 2025. The Impact Analysis Perhaps equally significant is the parallel resurgence of Boko Haram, which quietly rebuilt itself while security agencies primarily focused on the more dominant ISWAP. “While regional forces focused on countering ISWAP’s threats, partly due to the group’s advanced drone capabilities, Boko Haram appears to have taken advantage of the relative attention on its rival to regroup,” Nimi Princewill, a security expert in the Sahel, told Al Jazeera. The Prediction “ISWAP and Boko Haram’s recent resurgence reflects not simply a military setback, but a deepening governance vacuum across the Lake Chad Basin,” Abiola Sadiq, a security consultant, told Al Jazeera. “With Nigeria’s 2027 general elections approaching, these groups are highly likely to intensify their operations, potentially extending attacks beyond their traditional strongholds in the Lake Chad Basin and northeastern Nigeria,” said Sadiq.

Sudan's national army announced on May 16, 2026 that it has seized the town of Khor Hassan in southeastern Blue Nile state from the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), marking a pivotal gain near the Ethiopian border.Khor Hassan Captured: Tactical Shift in the Blue Nile FrontlineThe army’s statement said the town, previously held by the RSF with support from the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement‑North (SPLM‑N), was taken after heavy fighting. The seizure is part of a broader strategy to retake the nearby garrison town of Kurmuk, a crucial corridor for cross‑border trade and access to the Al‑Roseires Dam.Location: southeastern Blue Nile state, bordering Ethiopia.Previous holder: RSF with SPLM‑N backing (since March).Strategic goal: open a route toward central Sudan and weaken RSF supply lines.Human Toll and Displacement Figures Highlight War's EscalationThe conflict, which erupted in April 2023, has already caused massive humanitarian loss:Deaths: > 150,000 people.Displaced: > 12 million individuals.Blue Nile’s resources: significant gold deposits and the Al‑Roseires Dam.Both the Sudanese government and the RSF have accused neighboring Ethiopia and the United Arab Emirates of backing the RSF, claims that the accused states deny.Strategic Implications for the Sudan‑Ethiopia Border and Regional Power BalanceControl of Khor Hassan gives the army a foothold on a gateway that can facilitate advances into central Sudan. It also threatens the RSF’s logistical lifeline that runs through the border area, potentially limiting their ability to resupply from Ethiopia.Border dynamics: heightened tension with Ethiopia over alleged support for RSF.Economic impact: disruption of cross‑border trade routes and access to hydro‑electric infrastructure.Security outlook: increased risk of spill‑over clashes along the frontier.What the Recapture Means for Future Military Campaigns and Peace EffortsAnalysts expect the army to press forward toward Kurmuk, aiming to secure the entire border corridor. However, the intensified fighting could complicate ongoing diplomatic initiatives, as regional actors grapple with accusations of interference.Short‑term: likely escalation of battles in Blue Nile and surrounding border towns.Mid‑term: potential leverage for the army in any negotiated settlement.Long‑term: the outcome may reshape power relations between Sudan’s central authorities, the RSF, and neighboring states.

The LeadIsraeli forces killed a Palestinian man in a targeted attack on the Jenin refugee camp in the occupied West Bank, as the army conducted raids across multiple Palestinian areas amid rising settler violence. The incident occurred as UN officials condemned attacks against religious sites and civilian property in the region.Jenin Camp Shooting and Military OperationsThe Palestinian Ministry of Health identified the victim as 34-year-old Nour al-Din Kamal Hassan Fayyad, stating he was "killed by occupation forces' fire in the Jenin camp." The Israeli military claimed troops fired after he attempted to "infiltrate" the camp area where "soldiers are operating, and the entry is prohibited."Since January last year, Israel has launched major military operations in Palestinian refugee camps in the northern occupied territory. According to UNRWA, these operations targeting Jenin and Tulkarem camps have displaced 40,000 Palestinians.Escalating Violence Across West BankSeparately, Israeli soldiers arrested a young Palestinian man after assaulting him in the Shu'fat refugee camp, northeast of Jerusalem, and another from the village of Zawata, west of Nablus. Another Palestinian was assaulted by Israeli settlers in the town of Sinjil.Israeli forces also stormed the cities of Tubas and Qalqilya, and the towns of Tammun and Zaatara, east of Bethlehem, and raided the village of Deir Jarir, east of Ramallah. Israeli settlers set fire to an agricultural room and wrote racist slogans in the town of Turmus Aya.International Condemnation and ResponseA senior UN official condemned an arson attack against a mosque and several vehicles in a Palestinian village. Ramiz Alakbarov, the deputy special coordinator for the Middle East peace process, stated that masked individuals set fire to the site in the village of Jibiya and drew Hebrew graffiti."Attacks against religious sites and civilian property are unacceptable and undermine stability, human dignity, and freedom of worship," Alakbarov said, adding that these attacks come against a backdrop of rising settler violence and intensifying attacks in the occupied West Bank.Future Outlook and Potential EscalationAs tensions continue to mount in the occupied West Bank, international calls for accountability and de-escalation are growing. The UN has urged immediate and transparent investigations into all incidents of violence, with Alakbarov specifically stating, "These attacks must stop." The ongoing cycle of military operations, settler violence, and retaliatory actions threatens to further destabilize an already volatile region.

The LeadIsrael has launched another series of air strikes on southern Lebanon, a day after the two countries agreed to extend a ceasefire deal for a further 45 days following talks in Washington. Despite the diplomatic progress, the ceasefire has never been observed in practice, with continued military actions and forced displacements reported in the region.Continued Military Actions Despite Diplomatic ProgressLebanon's state-run National News Agency reported strikes on at least five villages in the south on Saturday, while the Israeli army issued new forced displacement orders for nine villages in southern Lebanon near Sidon and Nabatieh, including Qaaqaaiyet, al-Snoubar, Kaouthariyet al-Saiyad, al-Marwaniyah, al-Ghassaniyah and more.On Saturday morning, Israeli warplanes also launched air attacks on the town of Yohmor al-Shaqif in southern Lebanon. The towns of Kfar Tebnit, Arnoun, as well as the Arnoun-Kfar Tebnit road, have also come under heavy artillery bombardment, as the Israeli military claimed to have struck "Hezbollah infrastructure sites in several areas in southern Lebanon".Human Cost of the ConflictIsraeli attacks have killed more than 2,900 people in Lebanon since the start of the war, including more than 500 since the truce took effect, according to Lebanese authorities. The continued military actions have created a humanitarian crisis in southern Lebanon, with thousands of displaced civilians facing uncertain conditions.Regional Implications of the Fragile TruceThis situation occurs after envoys from Israel and Lebanon held negotiations in Washington following the first direct talks in decades between the two countries, which do not have diplomatic relations. Hezbollah opposes the negotiations, especially as Israeli forces continue to bomb southern Lebanon and occupy parts of it since the ceasefire, in theory, took effect on April 17.Lebanon's negotiating delegation in Washington welcomed the 45-day extension of the truce with Israel, as the Lebanese presidency stated: "The extension of the ceasefire and the establishment of a US-facilitated security track provide critical breathing space for our citizens, reinforce state institutions, and advance a political pathway toward lasting stability."Future Outlook for the ConflictAl Jazeera's Obaida Hitto, reporting from Tyre, southern Lebanon, noted: "Today, there have been artillery strikes in the eastern part of the country, in Yohmor and Kherbet Qanafar. This is an indication that the ceasefire is a ceasefire in name only." He added that people in southern Lebanon remain concerned about further escalation, particularly given that Israel used the previous phase of the ceasefire to escalate and increase its attacks.The disconnect between diplomatic agreements and on-the-ground realities suggests that the path to lasting peace remains uncertain, with potential for further violence despite diplomatic efforts.

The Longstanding Displacement It has been 78 years since the mass displacement of Palestinians, an event that has had lasting impacts on the region. Despite numerous calls for resolution, the issue of Palestinian refugees' right to return remains unresolved. The Right to Return: A Core Issue The right to return is a fundamental aspect of the Palestinian struggle. It refers to the right of Palestinian refugees to return to their homes in what is now Israel, which they were forced to leave during the 1948 Arab-Israeli war and subsequent conflicts. International Stance and UN Support The United Nations has consistently supported the Palestinian right to return, with numerous resolutions calling for a two-state solution and the recognition of Palestinian statehood. However, the implementation of these resolutions has been hindered by ongoing conflicts and political disagreements. Current Situation and Future Prospects Today, millions of Palestinians remain displaced, with many living in refugee camps in Gaza, the West Bank, and neighboring countries. The denial of their right to return continues to be a major obstacle to peace in the region. As international efforts to resolve the conflict continue, the issue of Palestinian displacement remains a critical point of contention. Conclusion and Call to Action The international community must continue to push for a resolution to the Palestinian displacement crisis. Recognizing and implementing the right to return is essential for achieving lasting peace and justice in the region.

The Historical Reckoning: US and the Nakba Washington, DC – It is a question that reaches a fever pitch this time of year for Palestinian survivors and rights advocates: Can the United States government create just policy in the Middle East without a full accounting — or recognition — of Palestinian history? Thursday marks the annual day of remembrance for the Nakba, a period that began in 1948 with the mass expulsion of Palestinians and the creation of the state of Israel. Since then, Palestinians have endured decades of displacement and ethnic cleansing. But the US government does not recognise the Nakba, which translates to the "catastrophe" in Arabic, even as it continues to assert gargantuan influence over the region and maintains ironclad support for the Israeli government. The Nakba: A Historical Overview Under the second administration of President Donald Trump, the US has taken a further active role in Palestinian affairs, establishing the controversial "Board of Peace" to oversee the reconstruction of Gaza, even as it continues to take a permissive approach towards Israel's actions in the region. When faced with the question of whether the US can responsibly address Palestinian issues without acknowledging the Nakba, Khaled Elgindy, a senior fellow at the Quincy Institute, believes the answer is simple: No. "If you only acknowledge the humanity and suffering of one side, that forces you also to ignore historical realities that are still with us today," he told Al Jazeera. Elgindy said "political amnesia" has long defined the US government's approach to the Israel-Palestine conflict. The Human Cost: Numbers and Impact For decades, the US has supported Israel with billions in foreign assistance and military aid, despite the Israeli occupation of Palestinian territory and a system of segregation that rights groups say constitutes apartheid. Since October 7, 2023, Israel's war in Gaza has killed at least 75,000 Palestinians. Elgindy told Al Jazeera that the US has played a key role in underwriting the conflict. "For better or worse, mostly for worse, the United States is inextricably tied to the Palestinian issue," Elgindy said. A fundamental – if long delayed – corrective step would be recognition of the Nakba, he said. "It is a historical reality that Palestinians have a collective trauma that is part of their identity and part of their political psychology." The Legislative Push: Tlaib's Resolution On Thursday, US Representative Rashida Tlaib introduced a resolution to officially recognise "the ongoing Nakba and Palestinian refugees' rights". It was the fifth consecutive time she has put forward the bill, with the latest version carrying 12 co-sponsors, up from six when it was first introduced in 2022. In a video conference this week, she explained that it was necessary to draw attention to the Nakba, given that the human rights abuses against Palestinians continue. "Too many of my colleagues in Congress like to act like … the state violence against the Palestinian people began with [Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin] Netanyahu," Tlaib said. "We know that Palestinian history has been one of the ongoing Nakba and the ethnic cleansing campaign since the creation [of Israel] in 1948." All told, about 750,000 Palestinians were violently expelled during the Nakba, displaced to refugee camps across the West Bank, Gaza and neighbouring Arab countries. About 400 cities and villages were depopulated, with massacres committed in Balad al-Sheikh, Saasaa, Deir Yassin, Saliha and Lydda, among others. Shifting Attitudes in American Politics Like in past years, Tlaib's latest legislative effort is largely symbolic, with little chance of progressing in Congress, which remains predominantly pro-Israel. Still, the latest resolution comes amid signs of shifting public awareness, with polls showing increasing sympathy for Palestinians and a rise in negative views towards Israel's government. Polls have shown tanking support for Israel, particularly among Democrats, amid the war in Gaza. Attitudes in Congress have also shown significant, if more incremental, signs of change. Though support for Israel was once considered sacrosanct, legislation to block arms sales to the country has garnered growing support. In April, 40 Democrats in the 100-member Senate voted to block the sale of military bulldozers to Israel, a tool in the ongoing occupation of the Palestinian territories. While legislation to prevent the sale did not pass, advocates hailed the tally as "historic". Thirty members of Congress also challenged the longstanding US policy of "official ambiguity" towards Israel's alleged nuclear programme, a subject that had been seen as off limits for decades. The Historical Context: From Truman to Today Even acknowledging the Nakba on the May 15 anniversary remains controversial. The United Nations held its first-ever commemoration of the Nakba in 2023, marking the 75th anniversary. The US, the United Kingdom, Germany and 30 other countries had voted against a UN resolution recognising the event, though. The US subsequently did not attend the proceedings, with a spokesperson pointing to "longstanding concerns over anti-Israel bias within the UN system". Elgindy pointed out that, in the 1940s and 50s, President Harry Truman "spoke out about the terrorism and terror inflicted by Jewish militias and underground groups", even as his government was the first to recognise the state of Israel. Truman's administration, for instance, supported UN General Assembly Resolution 194, which established a so-called "right to return" for displaced Palestinian refugees – approximately six million are registered with UNRWA today. But Elgindy explained that, broadly speaking, the US acknowledgement of the Nakba declined in parallel with an increasingly full-bore embrace of Israel, beginning most forcefully under President Lyndon B Johnson in the 1960s. The Future Outlook: Recognition and Beyond Supporters of Tlaib's resolution have argued that its significance is as much practical as symbolic. "If policymakers don't factor in the Nakba and remedying it to the extent that it can be remedied today, they're simply going to be perpetuating an unjust status quo," Ruebner said. "Without understanding the crux of the matter, it's almost like trying to fit a square peg into a round hole." The Arab Center's Munayyer agreed that recognition "sets an example for things that we should be doing, not just in terms of recognising the past but also recognising the moment". "It shouldn't take us 80 years to recognise the Nakba in Palestine, and it shouldn't take us another 80 years to recognise the genocide that's taking place in Gaza," he said.

The Third Nakba The Kaabneh Bedouin community in the West Bank is facing its third forced displacement since 1948, with Israeli settlers and military forces driving them out of their homes and lands. The community's leader, Abu Najjeh, describes the ongoing crisis as the 'third Nakba'. A History of Displacement The Kaabneh community was first expelled from their homes in 1948, during the Nakba, and again in 1967, when Israel captured the West Bank. In 2023, they were forcibly displaced from their community of Ein Samiya, and have since been relocated multiple times. The Current Crisis The community is currently living in a temporary tent in Rammun, but Israeli settlers have established an outpost nearby, and attacks have resumed. The community's livestock, which was once a thriving livelihood, has been decimated, and many family members have been forced to scatter to other areas. The Humanitarian Crisis The UN's Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs reports that since January 2023, over 5,900 people from 117 communities across the West Bank have experienced full or partial displacement due to settler attacks and related access restrictions. At least 45 communities have been erased completely. The Future Outlook The Kaabneh community's situation is a microcosm of the larger crisis facing Palestinians in the West Bank. With ongoing settler violence and military attacks, the humanitarian situation is likely to continue to deteriorate. The international community must take action to address the root causes of the conflict and protect the rights of Palestinian communities.