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Donald Trump's military approach against Iran has backfired, emboldening the country rather than weakening it. The 16-hour talks in Pakistan, led by JD Vance, failed to extract a quick accord, highlighting the complexity of issues between Washington and Tehran. The Israeli Prime Minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, had sold the war to Trump as an opportunity for regime change. However, Trump's plan had no clear strategy beyond killing senior Iranian officials, which only strengthened hardliners within the regime. Trump's goal of destroying Iran's military capacity has also failed. US intelligence indicates that Iran's ability to replenish its missiles and drones remains considerable. Furthermore, Iran is causing significant damage to Gulf states. The main issue remains Iran's nuclear program. The 2015 accord, negotiated by Barack Obama, had required Iran to limit its nuclear activities, but Trump withdrew from the deal in 2018. Today, Iran has nearly 900lb of highly enriched uranium, which could be further refined into a nuclear bomb. Trump's aggressive approach has handed Iran a new weapon: the ability to close the Strait of Hormuz, a critical waterway for international shipping. This move could wreak havoc on the world economy and give Iran significant revenue through tolls. The article concludes that diplomacy is the only viable solution to the conflict. Negotiation requires compromise and give-and-take, which Trump has so far resisted. The stakes are high, with the potential for genocide and massive war crimes. The door to a deal remains open, but it demands a willingness to negotiate in good faith.

While the two‑week pause in the US‑Israel campaign against Iran remains uncertain, one constant is clear: Donald Trump lacks a concrete plan, but Benjamin Netanyahu does. The war’s stated aim – to cripple Iran’s state capacity – is only a stepping stone toward a larger vision of a Greater Israel. For Israel’s right‑wing, the phrase often evokes a purely territorial ambition: enlarging the land Israel claims. History shows this expansionist drive has repeatedly displaced Palestinians, a process that has accelerated dramatically in recent years. Since the war began, Israel has flattened Gaza, killing tens of thousands and reducing the civilian‑inhabitable area to roughly 12 % of its pre‑war size. In the West Bank, a wave of settlement expansion and property destruction rivals the scale of the 1967 conflict. Beyond the occupied territories, Israel has seized parts of Syria and is forging a de‑facto occupation zone in southern Lebanon, with ministers from Religious Zionism, Jewish Power and Likud openly demanding Israeli sovereignty there. Finance minister Bezalel Smotrich even called for an expansion “to Damascus,” and Netanyahu has publicly expressed a deep personal connection to this territorial vision. However, Greater Israel is as much a geopolitical and strategic construct as a land‑grab. Netanyahu’s ambition extends beyond occupying borders; he seeks a regional dominion built on new alliances and hard‑power dependencies. After the October 7 attacks and the ensuing Gaza devastation, Israel’s prospects for Arab‑state normalization stalled. Faced with a choice between a conciliatory approach and a zero‑sum rejection of a Palestinian future, Netanyahu chose the latter, aiming to eliminate Iran as a regional counterweight – a move that inevitably required massive US military involvement. Former Israeli security analysts note that, from the perspective of Sunni Gulf states, a weakened Iran would elevate Israel to the role of “dominant regional power.” Achieving this, according to the article, also means softening the Gulf Cooperation Council (Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, UAE) and making them dependent on Israel for security and energy routes. The spill‑over of Iranian drone and missile attacks on GCC infrastructure is portrayed not as an accident but as a calculated element of Israel’s strategy. When the US‑Israel coalition struck Iranian energy sites, Iran retaliated against the Gulf, disrupting global oil flows through the Strait of Hormuz. Netanyahu seized the moment to propose “alternative routes” – oil and gas pipelines that would bypass Hormuz and Bab‑al‑Mandab, ending at Israeli Mediterranean ports. In a meeting with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Netanyahu outlined a “hexagon of alliances” linking India, Arab nations, African states, Greece, Cyprus and other Asian partners, positioning Israel as the central hub. Recent IDF strategy papers echo this, suggesting Israel could achieve “operational control” far beyond its borders without permanent occupation, likening the Middle East to a “jungle” where Israel would become the “queen.” Netanyahu now describes Israel not merely as a “regional superpower” but, in some contexts, as a “global superpower.” He promises the hexagonal alliance will confront a “radical Shia axis” and an “emerging radical Sunni axis,” with Turkey singled out as the next strategic threat. Dismissal of the Greater Israel rhetoric as wartime hyperbole would be misleading. The article warns that a permanent war‑oriented mindset permeates Israel’s political elite, security establishment and media, posing a risk of overreach and regional blowback. Containing this expansive vision may become one of the most pressing post‑war challenges for the Middle East.

President Donald Trump declared that the United States will commence a naval blockade of the strategic Strait of Hormuz in response to the breakdown of peace talks between Washington and Tehran held in Islamabad.In addition to the blockade, Trump warned that American forces could target Iran’s water‑treatment plants, power stations and bridges unless Tehran abandons its pursuit of a nuclear weapons capability.The announcement came after a 21‑hour round of direct negotiations between the two sides collapsed on Sunday morning, ending a brief cease‑fire that had been brokered by the United States, Israel and Iran.U.S. Vice‑President JD Vance, who led the American delegation, said Iran refused to renounce the possibility of developing nuclear weapons, while Iranian officials accused Washington of failing to earn their trust.Trump instructed the U.S. Navy to begin “blockading any and all ships trying to enter or leave the Strait of Hormuz” starting Monday at 10 a.m. ET (14:00 GMT). He also accused Iran of “extortion” for charging tolls to tankers and announced a de‑mining operation in the waterway’s central sector, although the exact number of mines remains unclear.The Iranian Revolutionary Guard warned that any warships enforcing the blockade would be deemed a breach of the cease‑fire and would be met with a strong response, insisting the strait remains under Iranian control.Two U.S. destroyers transited the strait on Saturday without incident, a move the Pentagon described as the start of a mine‑clearance mission, even as Iranian media claimed the vessels were threatened as they departed.Financial markets reacted sharply: U.S. crude oil jumped 8% to $104.24 per barrel and Brent crude rose 7% to $102.29, reflecting concerns that the blockade could disrupt the flow of roughly 100 tankers that have been paying up to $2 million each for passage.Vance reiterated that the United States seeks a clear, affirmative commitment from Iran not to pursue a nuclear weapon, describing it as the “core goal of the president.”Iranian parliament speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf argued that Tehran offered “constructive initiatives,” but U.S. demands were “excessive” and hindered an agreement, according to the semi‑official Tasnim news agency.Pakistani mediators urged both parties to avoid renewed hostilities and pledged to arrange fresh talks, emphasizing the importance of upholding the existing cease‑fire.In a televised interview, Trump warned that if a deal cannot be reached, the United States may resume bombing Iran, specifically targeting its water‑supply infrastructure, desalination plants and power generation facilities.Regional fallout continued: at least 11 people were killed in southern Lebanon amid a series of Israeli strikes, while Pope Francis called for an immediate cease‑fire, expressing solidarity with the Lebanese people.The broader conflict, now six weeks old, has claimed more than 3,000 lives in Iran, over 2,000 in Lebanon, dozens in Israel and several Gulf states, and has inflicted extensive damage on critical infrastructure across the Middle East.

The Gulf Cooperation Council is reassessing its security model after the brief but intense US‑Israel campaign against Iran. With American bases on Gulf soil turning the region into a target for Tehran’s missile and drone barrage, Gulf capitals are looking to diversify their defence partners beyond the United States. Iran’s lingering missile arsenal and its demand to retain control of the Strait of Hormuz remain the central security dilemma. The strait channels the bulk of Gulf oil trade, and Tehran’s insistence on keeping a foothold there was a sticking point in the cease‑fire talks scheduled to begin in Islamabad. Gulf air defences boasted a high interception rate, claiming to have neutralised more than 90% of the 2,256 drones and 563 missiles that struck the United Arab Emirates, the hardest‑hit member of the bloc. Nevertheless, the Gulf is split on how to engage Iran moving forward. A hawkish bloc led by the United Arab Emirates and Bahrain favours a tougher stance, while Saudi Arabia, Qatar and others are open to restoring diplomatic ties. In a rare development, Saudi Arabia and Iran held their first official conversation since the conflict began, with foreign ministers discussing measures to lower tensions and restore regional stability. Security scholars such as Bader Mousa Al‑Saif of Kuwait University argue that Gulf states must broaden their security network, forging alliances with regional powers like Turkey and Pakistan rather than relying solely on the United States. He warned that the region needs a model that shields it from a perpetual state of war. Pre‑war trends are now accelerating: Saudi Arabia recently signed a defence pact with Pakistan, the UAE announced a partnership with India, and all three Gulf states – Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Qatar – entered rapid defence agreements with Ukraine to counter Iranian drone threats. Talks of a “Muslim NATO” have largely faded, but a new alignment dubbed “Step”, involving Saudi Arabia, Turkey, Egypt and Pakistan, is taking shape. The coalition’s purpose remains ambiguous, oscillating between counter‑Iran and counter‑Israel objectives, and internal rivalries complicate cohesion. The United Kingdom, which helped protect Gulf airspace during the hostilities, is also seeking deeper defence‑industrial cooperation with Saudi Arabia, as discussed by Prime Minister Keir Starmer in Jeddah. UAE political scientist Abdulkhaleq Abdulla predicts tighter security ties with the United States and a growing willingness among Gulf states to engage with Israel on military and intelligence fronts. Analysts such as Yasmine Farouk of the International Crisis Group note that Saudi Arabia’s extensive oil infrastructure, Red Sea ports and sheer geographic size give it a strategic advantage in post‑war reconstruction, though the cost of rebuilding could strain its Vision 2030 diversification agenda. Looking ahead, the Gulf is expected to layer additional security partnerships—particularly with European nations—while investing heavily in air and missile defence, hardened ports, desalination facilities, maritime surveillance and alternative export routes. As Andreas Krieg of King’s College London observes, the United States remains the only power with a full‑scale military architecture in the Gulf, but its bases are increasingly viewed as “tripwires” rather than protective shields.

The Gulf region breathed a sigh of relief on Tuesday after Iran and the United States agreed to a two-week truce, halting over five weeks of escalating attacks and hostile rhetoric.However, Gulf states are expressing caution, concerned that the US, seeking a swift exit, might agree to terms granting Iran some control over the Strait of Hormuz, a vital waterway through which one fifth of the world's oil and natural liquefied gas passes.Iran had nearly brought traffic through the strait to a standstill in response to joint US-Israeli attacks on its soil since February 28. Under the truce, Iran has agreed to halt attacks for two weeks in exchange for resumed maritime transit in the key waterway.Despite this, Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries are stressing that any deal must result in a permanent, long-term arrangement to keep the strait open. They fear a weakened yet intact Iranian leadership could use the strait as leverage, leaving them under constant threat of disruption and economic blackmail.“There is a quiet but palpable concern that President Trump, eager for a quick political victory, could tolerate some Iranian leverage over the strait in exchange for a fragile truce, prioritising optics over Gulf realities,” said Hesham Alghannam, a Saudi Arabia-based scholar at the Malcolm H Kerr Carnegie Middle East Center.The GCC countries, which have faced near-daily Iranian missile and drone attacks, have welcomed the truce but emphasize that the Strait of Hormuz must reopen. They are also concerned about Iran's future influence over the strait, with a Bahrain-sponsored UN Security Council resolution calling for countries to use defensive missions to keep the maritime chokepoint open being vetoed by Russia and China.A further escalation could have devastating consequences for the GCC economies, undoing decades of work to make the region a safe hub for finance, tourism, and culture. Analysts say GCC countries have stepped up diplomacy in the lead-up to the conflict, but officials across the region have warned Iran should not mistake their inaction as a sign of weakness.“The Gulf will leave no stone unturned if Iran continues to take the path of aggression,” said Hamad Althunayyan, a political analyst and professor at Kuwait University. “The Gulf expects its interests to be represented, and included, in any deal with Iran.”

World Athletics has announced the postponement of the Doha Diamond League, citing concerns for athlete and spectator safety as the US-Israel war on Iran continues to impact the Middle East. The event, originally scheduled for May 8, has been rescheduled for June 19, pending a favorable safety and security situation in the region.The decision to postpone the event was made in the interest of ensuring a safe and secure competition for athletes, media, and spectators. World Athletics has been closely monitoring the situation in Doha and working with local organizers, Qatari authorities, and other stakeholders to assess the risks.The escalating tensions in the Middle East, including missile and drone attacks on Gulf states, have prompted the postponement. Despite a two-week ceasefire deal between Iran and the United States, mediated by Pakistan, the region remains volatile.The Doha Diamond League will now take place at the Khalifa International Stadium, a temperature-regulated venue with air cooling vents, which previously hosted the World Athletics Championships in 2019 and the FIFA World Cup 2022.The event is part of the 2026 Wanda Diamond League season, which will begin in Shanghai on May 16 and conclude with the Diamond League final in Brussels on September 5. The Doha meeting will be the eighth leg of the season, falling between the Bislett Games in Oslo on June 10 and the Meeting de Paris on June 28.

Iran and the United States announced a two‑week ceasefire that will also guarantee safe navigation through the strategically vital Strait of Hormuz, a chokepoint through which roughly 20% of the world’s oil supply moves.The pause comes as the conflict entered its 40th day, with hopes now fixed on a diplomatic breakthrough during talks scheduled to begin in Pakistan on Friday.President Donald Trump declared that the truce would be activated once Tehran fully reopened the waterway, linking the cessation of hostilities to the restoration of a critical global supply route.Celebrations erupted across Iran, and numerous world leaders publicly welcomed the development, describing it as a step toward broader regional stability.The fighting, which has drawn in virtually the entire Middle East, saw Iran claim to target U.S. assets in several Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states, while Gulf nations accused Tehran of striking civilian infrastructure.Hezbollah’s March 2 attacks on Israel pulled Lebanon into the war, and although Israel has signaled support for the ceasefire, it warned that the agreement does not extend to Lebanon.Against this backdrop, Gulf and neighboring states have issued statements outlining their positions on the ceasefire:Saudi Arabia welcomed the truce, urging an immediate end to regional attacks and calling for the Strait of Hormuz to be reopened, emphasizing that the ceasefire should lead to a “comprehensive sustainable pacification.”Qatar described the ceasefire as an “initial step toward de‑escalation,” stressing the need for rapid implementation, full adherence by Iran, and the protection of maritime security and international trade under international law.United Arab Emirates diplomatic adviser Anwar Gargash hailed the outcome as a victory for a war the UAE sought to avoid, claiming the nation now possesses greater leverage and capacity to shape regional affairs.Oman expressed appreciation for Pakistan’s mediation and called for intensified efforts to address the root causes of the conflict, aiming for a permanent end to hostilities.Iraq welcomed the ceasefire but urged the United States and Iran to launch “serious and sustainable dialogue” that tackles underlying disputes and rebuilds mutual trust.Egypt framed the truce as a crucial opportunity for negotiations, diplomacy, and dialogue, insisting that any lasting peace must respect freedom of navigation and consider the legitimate security concerns of Gulf states.Turkey supported the ceasefire and pledged backing for the upcoming Islamabad talks, emphasizing the importance of full ground‑level implementation and strict adherence by all parties.Sudan called the two‑week pause a “positive step toward de‑escalation,” highlighting its potential to foster diplomacy and regional stability.

The temporary cease‑fire in the US‑Israel‑Iran war has given Iran and China a strategic opening to challenge the US dollar’s supremacy in global finance. Both nations share a common objective: to reduce reliance on the greenback, especially in the oil sector where, according to a 2023 JP Morgan estimate, roughly 80% of transactions are settled in dollars. In a practical step toward this goal, Iran’s de‑facto toll‑booth system in the Strait of Hormuz—a chokepoint that handles about one‑fifth of the world’s oil and LNG shipments—has started accepting transit fees in Chinese yuan. Lloyd’s List reported that at least two vessels had already paid in yuan by March 25, and China’s Ministry of Commerce later acknowledged the reports on social media. Iran’s embassy in Zimbabwe even called for the introduction of a “petroyuan” to the global oil market, underscoring the political symbolism of the move. While Tehran pledged to guarantee safe passage for two weeks under a US‑brokered cease‑fire, Beijing declined to comment. Harvard economist Kenneth Rogoff told Al Jazeera that Iran’s actions serve a dual purpose: they “poke a thumb in the United States’s eye” and provide a practical alternative to dollar‑based sanctions. Rogoff added that Iran’s shift to yuan aligns with China’s broader effort to redenominate trade among BRICS nations. For both countries, the yuan offers a way to sidestep US sanctions and lower transaction costs. Their trade relationship, cemented by a 25‑year strategic partnership signed in 2021, sees China buying over 80% of Iran’s oil—often at discounted rates—while Iran imports Chinese machinery, electronics, chemicals, and industrial components. Data from Kpler and TankerTrackers indicate that, despite the conflict, Iran’s oil exports to China have remained near pre‑war levels, ranging between 12 million and 13.7 million barrels in the first two weeks of hostilities. China’s ambition to elevate the yuan is long‑standing. President Xi Jinping, in a 2024 address, expressed hope that the yuan would become a global reserve currency. Yet significant hurdles remain: the yuan is not freely convertible due to strict capital controls, and the Chinese financial system is perceived as opaque, limiting broader adoption. According to the IMF, the dollar still dominated global foreign‑exchange reserves at 57% last year, far ahead of the euro’s 20% and the yuan’s modest 2%. Cross‑border trade settled in yuan rose to 3.7% in 2024, up from under 1% in 2012, per S&P; Global—an encouraging but limited shift. Natixis chief economist Alicia Garcia‑Herrero cautioned that the Strait of Hormuz experiment adds only “incremental pressure” and that a true “de‑dollarisation” would require Gulf states, which have priced oil in dollars since the 1970s in exchange for US security guarantees. European analyst Hosuk Lee‑Makiyama highlighted that China’s ability to supply Iran with essential goods makes the yuan a viable alternative, a dynamic not possible for Europe or Japan. He described China as the closest the world has seen to a “manufacturing one‑stop shop.” Consultancy founder Dan Steinbock echoed that while the dollar’s supremacy is unlikely to crumble overnight, the gradual increase in yuan usage could “chip away” at US dominance in specific sectors over time. Rogoff concluded that the long‑term impact hinges on the war’s outcome. If Iran and China emerge stronger, many countries may diversify away from the dollar to avoid US‑imposed financial constraints. Conversely, a decisive US victory could reinforce dollar hegemony for the foreseeable future.

The ceasefire announcement between the US and Iran has brought relief, but it should not be mistaken for a resolution. The conflict has caused significant damage to both countries, with Iran's military capabilities and economy suffering greatly.Despite claims of success from all sides, the reality is that no party was winning the war. President Donald Trump has framed the conflict as a military victory and a step towards regime change in Iran, but the war has proven costly and damaging to US credibility.Iran's nuclear program remains a core issue in these negotiations. Tehran will need to show a willingness to compromise, whether through downblending enriched uranium or allowing international inspectors back into the country.The wider regional dimension risks being sidelined, with Israel and Gulf states seeking assurances that they will not remain exposed to repeated pressure on their infrastructure and shipping routes.The ceasefire should be understood not as the end of the crisis but as the start of a new and uncertain phase. What emerges from Islamabad may still fall short of a durable peace, but the alternative – a return to escalation – is far worse.