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Wayne Koestenbaum's latest novel, 'My Lover, the Rabbi', defies expectations with its unapologetically obsessive prose and exploration of desire. The story centers around a man who works as an antique furniture restorer and his overwhelming desire for a man who works in a synagogue. This central fact is accepted by all characters, and the writing treats realist conventions with a kind of exalted scorn.The book's 188 chapters are short and plunge the reader into a world of carnality, confusion, and bizarrely specific detail. The title of the book is reiterated throughout, becoming almost a mantra. This insistent and anxious formality is at the heart of the book's uncanny life, matching style to subject in a brilliant and unconventional way.As the plot emerges, it seems almost 19th century in its storyline, with themes of infidelity, illegitimacy, madness, shopping, coincidences, and death. The narrator's need to discover the secret of his rabbi's attractiveness drives the plot, much like Proust's Swann. The mystery of the rabbi's allure and the death of his three-year-old son become central to the narrative, revealing vistas of unknowability.The book's whirlwind invention culminates in a final, fugue-like recapitulation, where the narrator's obsessive desire morphs into a vision of the unknowability of any object of desire. This gloriously original evocation explores what it might feel like to admit to the inability of love to triumph over death. Koestenbaum's writing is like that of the best kind of angel, unafraid to come down to earth and explore the complexities of human desire.

Opening new oil and gas fields in the North Sea would send a shock wave around the world, senior climate diplomats warned, saying the move would imperil international climate targets, erode the United Kingdom’s reputation as a climate leader and embolden developing countries to exploit their own fossil‑fuel reserves.The UK government faces intense lobbying from the oil industry, Conservative MPs, Nigel Farage’s Reform UK party, certain trade unions and factions within the Treasury. Yet research shows that new drilling would do little to lower energy prices and would have almost no impact on gas imports.Two of the remaining large North Sea prospects – the Rosebank and Jackdaw fields – sit in a basin that is over 90% depleted and increasingly costly to develop. Even if fully exploited, they would displace only about 1% and 2% of the UK’s gas imports respectively, according to recent analysis.Senior figures in international climate diplomacy described the prospect of new drilling as dangerous for global emissions‑reduction efforts and a step back from the phase‑out of fossil fuels.Lord Nicolas Stern, professor at the London School of Economics, warned that “new drilling and a slowdown in climate action would be bad for growth and for energy security in the UK, and a damaging signal for the world.” He added that the UK’s pioneering climate legislation and its role as the first G7 nation to commit to net‑zero by 2050 give its actions “extra weight” on the global stage.An anonymous senior African negotiator reacted angrily to the proposal, stating that Africa would “reject any proposal for the UK to expand oil drilling” because it is “fundamentally inconsistent with both the letter and spirit of the Paris Agreement” and would “weaken trust with climate‑vulnerable nations”.Christiana Figueres, former UN climate chief and co‑founder of the Global Optimism think‑tank, argued that true energy independence lies in “scaling clean, domestic energy, not in extending the life of declining industries”. She cautioned that reverting to old‑fashioned oil expansion would lock in infrastructure at odds with the direction of the global energy system.The UK has been a vocal supporter of an upcoming conference in Colombia on the “transition away from fossil fuels”, a pledge made three years ago at COP28 that remains largely unfulfilled. However, the Guardian learned that Ed Miliband, the UK secretary of state for energy security and net‑zero, will not attend; the government’s climate envoy, Rachel Kyte, will travel in his place.Campaigners had urged Miliband’s presence, citing his pivotal role in securing a last‑minute deal at COP30 in Brazil last November.Experts caution that licensing new fields before the Colombian summit could undermine progress in persuading developing nations to forgo fossil‑fuel‑based economies and adopt cleaner energy pathways.Mohamed Adow, director of the Power Shift Africa think‑tank, warned that a UK approval would “send a shock wave around the world that short‑term interests are being prioritised over long‑term responsibility”. He stressed that many African countries are being asked to leapfrog to clean energy with limited financial support, and that wealthy nations continuing to invest in fossil fuels “undermine this message and diminish their credibility”.Several developing‑country officials echoed this concern, asking, “Why shouldn’t we tap into our own fossil‑fuel resources if the UK is doing so?” They argued that leadership on climate must be consistent with actions.An ally of Miliband praised the UK’s stance, calling “no new exploration licences” a “landmark global leadership position” that shows a major oil‑producing country can align policy with climate science to avoid a 3‑4°C warming scenario.A government spokesperson reaffirmed the administration’s commitment, stating that the UK has placed “clean energy and climate at the heart of its agenda”, and that it will continue to “stop issuing licences to explore new fields, in line with the science and in securing a just transition in the North Sea”.

A union representing roughly 2,000 food‑service employees at Los Angeles Stadium has formally appealed to FIFA to ensure that U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) stays away from World Cup activities in the city. Unite Here Local 11, which covers cooks, servers and bartenders at the Inglewood venue, warned that a strike could become imminent if its concerns are ignored. The union highlighted that its members are still without a labor contract as the tournament approaches, and outlined three core demands for FIFA and stadium owner Kroenke Sports & Entertainment: A public pledge that ICE and Border Patrol will have no role in any World Cup‑related operations. Guarantees protecting union jobs, working conditions, and a ban on the use of artificial intelligence or automation that could displace workers. Support for a workforce‑housing fund, stricter short‑term‑rental rules, and tax measures aimed at financing affordable housing and protecting immigrant families. ICE Acting Director Todd Lyons has indicated that the agency would play a “key part” in the event, a prospect the union says threatens the safety of both workers and visitors in Los Angeles. “FIFA and its corporate sponsors will pocket billions from Los Angeles while refusing to even acknowledge the cooks, servers, and stand attendants who make this event possible,” said Kurt Petersen, co‑president of Local 11 in a statement. Local 11 also noted that it has repeatedly sought meetings with FIFA since the city was awarded hosting duties, but its requests have been ignored. The venue, known globally as SoFi Stadium, has been temporarily rebranded as Los Angeles Stadium for the World Cup due to sponsor conflicts. The stadium is slated to host eight matches, with the opening game – the United States versus Paraguay – scheduled for June 12. The union’s broader housing demands reflect rising living‑cost pressures in Inglewood and the surrounding Los Angeles area, underscoring the intersection of labor rights, immigration policy, and urban affordability ahead of the global tournament.

Cecile Kohler and Jacques Paris are set to board a flight back to France after three and a half years of detention in Iran, President Emmanuel Macron announced on X on Tuesday. The release was secured through diplomatic talks led by Oman, which acted as a neutral intermediary. “Cecile Kohler and Jacques Paris are free and on their way back to France, after three and a half years of detention in Iran. This is a relief for all of us and, of course, for their families,” Macron wrote. The Iranian decision arrives amid an apparent thaw in relations between Paris and Tehran, as France has openly criticized the war waged by the United States and Israel against Iran. The duo were arrested in 2022 on accusations of spying for France and Israel – charges that the French government repeatedly called unfounded. After being freed from the notorious Evin Prison in November 2025, they remained under the protection of the French embassy. French Foreign Minister Jean‑Noël Barrot said the couple expressed great joy at the prospect of returning home. He confirmed that he had spoken with them and that discussions with his Iranian counterpart, Abbas Araqchi, helped pave the way for their departure. French lawmakers responded to the news with a standing ovation in the National Assembly. The case is part of a broader pattern, described by activists and several Western governments as Iran’s strategy of “hostage‑taking” to extract political concessions from Europe. Iran’s state news agency IRNA confirmed the release, noting it stemmed from an understanding that France would, in return, free Mahdieh Esfandiari, an Iranian student detained in Lyon, and withdraw a complaint lodged against Iran at the International Court of Justice. These diplomatic moves occur against a backdrop of heightened tensions in the region. France has emerged as a vocal critic of the United States‑Israel campaign against Iran, and earlier this week a vessel owned by French shipping giant CMA CGM became the first Western ship to navigate the contested Strait of Hormuz. The strait’s blockage has contributed to a global energy crisis, prompting U.S. President Donald Trump to issue stark threats of further escalation. While the immediate outcome is the safe return of two French citizens, the exchange underscores the delicate balance of diplomatic leverage, humanitarian concerns, and strategic interests shaping France‑Iran relations today.

Ben Roberts‑Smith, a former Australian special‑forces operative, was taken into custody at Sydney Airport on Tuesday after the Australian Federal Police (AFP) announced he faces five separate war‑crime counts linked to the killing of five individuals in Afghanistan from 2009 to 2012. The charges, each punishable by life imprisonment, allege that the victims were unarmed civilians who were not engaged in hostilities at the time of their deaths. AFP Commissioner Krissy Barrett told reporters that the prosecution will argue the victims were shot either directly by Roberts‑Smith or by subordinates acting on his orders while he was present. Barrett emphasized that the accusations stem from a "complex" investigation conducted jointly by the AFP and the Office of the Special Investigator, a probe that began in 2021. The New South Wales Local Court has scheduled a bail hearing for Roberts‑Smith on Wednesday, where he will appear before a magistrate. This arrest follows a high‑profile legal defeat for Roberts‑Smith: an Australian judge in 2023 ruled that journalists who reported he was "complicit in and responsible for the murder" of unarmed Afghan men had not defamed him, a decision upheld by the Full Court of the Federal Court in May of the previous year. Rawan Arraf, executive director of the Australian Centre for International Justice, described the development as a "significant and long‑awaited step for victims and affected communities" in Afghanistan. She added that prosecuting alleged war crimes by Australian special‑forces personnel is essential for delivering justice and for Australia to meet its international law obligations. Since the 2001 NATO‑led intervention, roughly 39,000 Australian soldiers have served in Afghanistan, supporting operations against the Taliban and other armed groups. Roberts‑Smith, who previously received the Victoria Cross for his fifth tour, was regarded as the most‑decorated living Australian war veteran before the charges. The case also revives attention on former army lawyer David McBride, who remains incarcerated for disclosing information about alleged Australian war crimes in Afghanistan. In response to Roberts‑Smith’s arrest, Senator David Shoebridge posted a brief message on X urging the release of McBride.

Donald Trump's open threats to commit war crimes in Iran have raised concerns about his impunity. The US Supreme Court's recent ruling in Trump v United States has given him reason to believe he can act with impunity within the US. However, there are international options for prosecution that lie beyond the court's lawless license.Trump's plan to bomb Iran and destroy civilian infrastructure, such as desalination plants, electrical-generating facilities, and bridges, would violate international humanitarian law's rule of proportionality. The destruction of civilian infrastructure would have a disproportionate impact on civilians, and therefore, it is not justified.The International Criminal Court (ICC) has charged Russian military commanders with war crimes for attacking electrical infrastructure in Ukraine. Similarly, Trump's actions could be prosecuted as war crimes. However, the ICC has no jurisdiction over crimes committed on Iranian territory since Iran is not a member of the ICC.There are alternative routes for prosecution. The Iranian government could join the ICC and grant it retroactive jurisdiction, similar to what Ukraine did to allow prosecution of Russian war crimes. Additionally, under the concept of universal jurisdiction, governments can use their national courts to prosecute certain crimes even if committed by non-nationals abroad.A group of countries, such as the European Union, NATO, or the G7, could establish an international tribunal to address crimes committed in Iran, including war crimes and aggression. This would allow Trump to be prosecuted as soon as the tribunal is established, without waiting for him to leave office.

When Kristyna Janku answered a police call, she could not have imagined the revelations that would follow. The defender learned that her former coach, Petr Vlachovsky—once celebrated as the Czech Republic’s top women’s football coach—had been secretly recording Slovacko players in the changing room for four years and was in possession of child‑sexual‑abuse content. Vlachovsky’s arrest in 2023 led to a court ruling last May that handed him a one‑year suspended sentence, a fine and a five‑year ban from all football‑related activity in the Czech Republic. However, the Czech FA has yet to lodge a complaint with FIFA’s ethics committee, leaving the door open for him to coach abroad, a prospect that unsettles Janku, now playing in Poland. According to Alex Phillips, secretary‑general of FIFPRO, this scandal is merely "the tip of the iceberg," noting that many victims remain silent because they lack trusted reporting channels. He stresses the need for an independent, funded international body to investigate and sanction abuse, rather than relying on national federations that often view the issue as low priority. The Czech case mirrors a recent incident in Austria, where a man received a seven‑month suspended prison term and a €1,200 fine for covertly filming the Altach women’s team, also paying €625 compensation to each victim. Both cases underscore a pattern of inadequate safeguarding across European women’s football. For Janku, the trauma extends beyond the courtroom. She describes a lasting hyper‑vigilance in dressing rooms and public spaces, and acknowledges that while she has declined therapy offered by the Czech players’ union, the psychological scars remain. FIFPRO’s women’s football director Alex Culvin warns that the lack of decisive action fuels a culture where abuse is minimized, citing parallels with the Me Too movement and high‑profile scandals such as the Luis Rubiales incident in Spain. Victims of Vlachovsky’s misconduct report a range of consequences—from nausea and the need to change clubs to long‑term body dysmorphia—highlighting how non‑contact sexual abuse can devastate athletes whose bodies are their livelihood. While the Czech federation is reportedly revising its safeguarding policies, critics argue that without a global enforcement mechanism, perpetrators like Vlachovsky can continue coaching elsewhere, perpetuating risk for future generations of female footballers.

The U.S. Supreme Court issued a decision on Monday that removes a procedural obstacle, allowing the Justice Department to proceed with a motion to dismiss the criminal case against Steve Bannon. The case stems from a 2022 conviction on two counts of contempt of Congress for refusing to comply with a subpoena issued by the House committee investigating the January 6, 2021 Capitol attack. Bannon, a former chief strategist for President Donald Trump, served a four‑month prison term after the conviction. Although the sentence is now complete, the Justice Department argues that dismissing the case is "in the interests of justice" and has asked the high court to overturn the lower‑court ruling that kept the conviction in place. Attorney Evan Corcoran, representing Bannon, welcomed the development, stating, "It has been one battle after another for five years, but today the Supreme Court vacated an unjust conviction, reaffirming that politics and prosecution don’t mix." A dismissal would expunge Bannon’s conviction from the record, but the practical impact is minimal because he has already completed his sentence. The move is part of a broader pattern of the Justice Department taking actions that benefit allies of the former president since his return to office in 2024. Background: Bannon, now 72, was a key adviser to Trump’s 2016 campaign and served as the White House’s chief strategist in 2017. After a brief fallout, he reconciled with Trump and was released from Danbury federal prison a week before Trump’s victory over Kamala Harris in the 2024 presidential election. Upon release, Bannon declared himself “far from broken” and resumed hosting his "War Room" podcast, continuing to promote the “America First” brand of right‑wing populism. Legal arguments raised by Bannon’s team centered on claims of executive privilege and challenges to the congressional committee’s authority to issue the subpoena. The case unfolds against a backdrop of numerous pardons granted by Trump to individuals convicted in connection with the Capitol riot and other allies facing charges related to attempts to overturn the 2020 election.

Article 52 of the first Additional Protocol to the Geneva Conventions bars attacks on civilian targets. The International Criminal Court has already issued arrest warrants for Russian officers involved in strikes on Ukraine’s energy grid, a precedent that would apply to the United States if President Donald Trump’s threats to bomb Iran were carried out. Trump, alongside Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth, has adopted a tone that resembles a “blood‑thirsty fever dream.” Hegseth framed the proposed Operation Epic Fury as a 21st‑century crusade, while Trump unleashed a profanity‑laden tirade demanding the immediate reopening of the Strait of Hormuz, warning that “Tuesday will be Power Plant Day, and Bridge Day… Open the Fuckin’ Strait, you crazy bastards, or you’ll be living in Hell.” This rhetoric, emerging just before the United States’ 250th independence anniversary, undermines the credibility of the presidency and the nation’s moral standing. The editorial notes that, in a more restrained political climate, senators like Chris Murphy might explore constitutional avenues to remove Trump, but the current cabinet’s “craven complicity” makes such prospects remote. The international community now watches anxiously, fearing that a broader escalation between the United States, Israel, and Iran could trigger “unknowable and spiralling consequences.” Iran has signaled it could widen its attacks across the region, and the recent closure of the Hormuz Strait demonstrates that Trump’s threats are not merely rhetorical. NATO allies have declined to endorse Trump’s approach, citing the absence of a coherent strategy and a lack of legal justification. They hope the president’s apocalyptic language masks a genuine search for a rapid de‑escalation, especially as global economic pressure mounts. Trump later claimed there was a “good chance” of a cease‑fire with Iran before his deadline, yet hours later Israel bombed a key petrochemical plant in Iran’s largest gas field, contradicting any notion of imminent peace. During a White House press briefing, Trump and Hegseth highlighted the rescue of a missing U.S. fighter crew shot down over Iran, a moment that starkly contrasted with the looming threat to thousands of lives and the stability of the global economy, now hanging on the whims of a president driven by self‑aggrandizement and an echo chamber of advisers.