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Several readers of The Guardian have voiced strong opinions that the classic British pub ought to be treated as an adult‑only environment. They contend that the interior of a pub, where alcohol is served in large quantities, is fundamentally a space for grown‑ups to relax, converse, and enjoy a drink without the added responsibility of supervising children. Diane Silva of Bournemouth, Dorset emphasizes that while a beer garden might accommodate a family‑friendly dining area during daylight hours, the indoor setting should remain reserved for adults. She likens the situation to adults avoiding children’s play areas such as McDonald’s ball pits or playground swings, noting that “it’s not our space.” Other contributors echo this sentiment. Penny McPhillips from Garstang, Lancashire recalls a past legal claim involving a theatre patron who slipped on ice, suggesting that entitlement among customers can lead to a broader abdication of responsibility, especially when tickets, drinks, or even school uniforms have been purchased. Nigel Linford of Eastbourne, East Sussex adds a cultural reference, quoting WC Fields: “Any man who hates dogs and children can’t be all bad,” to underline the notion that discomfort with children in certain public venues does not make one wholly unreasonable. The letters also mention pub landlord Egil Johansen, who, according to the writers, is not alone in feeling pressured by customer expectations that blur the line between family hospitality and adult leisure. Overall, the correspondence calls for a clearer distinction between indoor pub spaces—reserved for adult patrons—and outdoor areas that could safely host families, thereby preserving the traditional role of the pub as a “wind‑down” spot for adults.

Scientists are preparing to establish 4,500 native trees on the fringes of the Brecon Beacons National Park using a novel fertiliser derived from human urine.The fertiliser was produced by Bristol‑based startup NPK Recovery, which linked its mobile processing unit to the toilets serving roughly 700 revellers at the Boomtown festival in Hampshire last July.During the 2025 event the system generated 540 litres of nutrient‑rich liquid, now earmarked for planting beech, Scots pine and other native species in Wales.The three‑year restoration scheme, funded by a Forestry Commission grant, will also incorporate urine collected from additional events, expanding the supply chain for the circular fertiliser.To launch the initiative, a Scots pine seedling was planted on Thursday morning, symbolising the start of what could become a lasting Welsh forest.Lucy Bell‑Reeves, co‑founder of NPK Recovery, noted that field trials have shown the urine‑based product to be as effective as conventional fertilisers, marking its first application on trees.“Using a waste product to grow trees is a circular solution that can revitalise our struggling native species,” Bell‑Reeves said, adding that “we need to stop flushing crop and tree‑growing nutrients down the loo and start using them to increase our fertiliser security.”The company previously processed 1,000 litres of urine collected from women’s urinals at the London Marathon, converting it into an odour‑free liquid using specialised bacteria that recover nitrogen and other nutrients.NPK Recovery’s mobile laboratory enables on‑site conversion, eliminating the need for transport and preserving nutrient integrity.Partnering with the charity Stump Up For Trees, co‑founded by author‑cyclist Rob Penn, the project builds on the charity’s five‑year effort that has already planted over 500,000 trees in the region, half of its one‑million‑tree target.Penn expressed enthusiasm, stating, “This groundbreaking project has implications for the future of sustainable forestry, and collaboration with NPK Recovery brings much‑needed innovation to the sector.”

Britain is confronting the most severe energy shock since the early 1970s, as exports of oil, gas and fertiliser from the Middle East have abruptly stopped. The government says a response plan exists, but details remain vague. It is unclear whether the UK is better prepared for the fallout from Donald Trump’s war with Iran than it was for the pandemic six years ago. Ministers are sending a "we have your back" message to the public while simultaneously signalling to financial markets that any assistance will be limited and targeted. Contingency planning is especially difficult when dealing with an unpredictable leader like Trump. Britain’s heavy reliance on imported energy and food means that reassurance can only hold for a short time. The economy entered the conflict already on shaky ground: unemployment rose steadily throughout 2025 and growth stalled to a virtual standstill in the final quarter of that year. The sudden loss of Middle‑East energy and fertiliser supplies now adds a colossal supply shock. Last year, Trump’s “liberation day” tariff hikes served as a dry run for a far more serious confrontation. This time, the war is taking place in a region that is both volatile and crucial to the global economy. In the past two weeks, the repercussions have been felt across Asia – the Philippines declared a state of emergency, Sri Lanka introduced a four‑day work week, and South Korea announced budget measures to help households cope with soaring energy bills. The continent is the most dependent on Gulf‑exported energy, making the impact there the sharpest. The International Monetary Fund warned that the shock will drive higher prices and slower growth worldwide. Shortages push fuel and food prices up, eroding disposable income, prompting businesses to cut staff, and increasing the risk of recession. The UK, already projected to be one of the poorest‑performing major economies in 2026, could see its fresh graduate cohort face a brutal job market. Trump’s claim that the war could end within two or three weeks appears desperate. Even a rapid cease‑fire would leave substantial collateral damage, creating a stagflation scenario that could hurt Republican prospects in the upcoming mid‑term elections. British officials hope a swift resolution will limit economic damage, allowing a short‑term inflation spike to subside and the Bank of England to resume interest‑rate cuts. Treasury plans include scrapping the planned autumn fuel‑duty rise and providing targeted help for the poorest households, though the path is unlikely to be that simple. Currently, the Treasury is hesitant to act boldly for fear of unsettling bond markets. History – the 2008 banking collapse and the 2020 pandemic – shows that governments can act decisively without triggering a market backlash, using tools such as aggressive rate cuts, increased borrowing, and quantitative easing. The Bank of England has warned of a "substantial negative supply shock" and is expected to soften markets for future rate cuts, which are inevitable. Finance Minister Rachel Reeves could mitigate labour‑market pain by reversing recent increases in employers’ National Insurance contributions, subsidising public transport, and even lowering speed limits to conserve energy. The war, like the pandemic and Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, underscores the fragility of global supply chains and the need for greater British self‑reliance. Investing heavily in renewable energy is essential, but the UK also imports roughly 40% of its food and has not run a manufacturing trade surplus since 1982. In a world of disrupted supply lines, a robust plan for economic self‑sufficiency is more urgent than ever. Larry Elliott is a Guardian columnist.

Marine archaeologists from Denmark’s Viking Ship Museum announced the discovery of the Dannebroge, the Danish flagship that was destroyed by Admiral Horatio Nelson during the Battle of Copenhagen in 1801. The wreck lies 15 metres (49 feet) below the surface of Copenhagen harbour, buried in thick silt that offers almost zero visibility.Divers working in the murky conditions described the operation as a “race against time” because the site will soon be covered by Lynetteholm, a massive housing development slated for completion by 2070. The excavation, which began late last year, targets the exact spot where historical records place the Dannebroge’s final moments.Among the artefacts recovered are two cannons, period uniforms, insignia, shoes, bottles, and a fragment of a sailor’s lower jaw – possibly belonging to one of the 19 crew members still unaccounted for. “When a cannonball hits a ship, the splinters are the real danger, like grenade debris,” explained marine archaeologist Morten Johansen, underscoring the brutal conditions aboard wooden warships.The 48‑metre (157‑foot) vessel was Nelson’s primary target. Intense cannon fire ripped through its upper deck, and incendiary shells ignited a devastating fire that eventually caused the ship to explode, producing a roar heard across Copenhagen.Experts confirmed the wreck’s identity through dendrochronological dating, which matched the wood’s tree‑ring pattern to the year the Dannebroge was built. The size and shape of the recovered timbers also correspond with contemporary ship plans.Historical context: the 1801 battle was part of Britain’s effort to force Denmark out of a northern alliance with Russia, Prussia and Sweden. After a fierce exchange, Nelson offered a truce, and a cease‑fire was negotiated with Denmark’s Crown Prince Frederik.Marine archaeologist Marie Jonsson described the challenging dive conditions: “Sometimes you can’t see anything; you have to feel your way and rely on your fingers rather than your eyes.” The site remains littered with cannonballs, posing additional hazards for divers navigating the silt‑filled waters.The find not only enriches Denmark’s national narrative—often depicted in paintings and literature—but also provides a rare, tangible link to a pivotal moment in European naval history, just as modern development threatens to erase the physical remnants of that past.

Ministers are rewriting planning rules to make it easier to approve intensive livestock farms, despite ongoing concerns about water pollution, air quality and local opposition.Freedom of Information documents obtained by the Guardian reveal that proposed changes to the National Planning Policy Framework (NPPF) have been discussed in response to lobbying by the country’s leading chicken producers for at least two years.The British Poultry Council (BPC) told farming minister Angela Eagle last autumn that “access to more growing space is the number one priority for the poultry meat sector.”In a submission to the government’s farm profitability review, the BPC argued that the need for a solution—whether through planning reform or land‑use policy—“dwarfs all other issues currently facing us.”Ahead of a January round‑table with Eagle, the BPC urged the government to “develop national planning direction and oversight for food production … to safeguard the UK’s long‑term food security.”Eagle responded that the government has “announced proposals to reform the planning system to more quickly unlock food and farming infrastructure,” emphasizing that “planning should enable ambition, not stifle it.”Her briefing notes directly linked the proposed changes to industry lobbying, describing planning reform as one of the sector’s “biggest asks” and noting that the Department for Environment, Food & Rural Affairs and the Ministry of Housing, Communities and Local Government are working to “find solutions to planning barriers to poultry sheds and other infrastructure necessary for food production.”The draft NPPF includes several measures that could ease approval of new intensive livestock developments: a higher threshold for refusing applications on environmental grounds, reduced scope for local authorities to adopt tougher rules, greater weight given to “domestic food production,” and a new emphasis on “better accommodation for livestock.”The industry says it needs extra space to house chickens because of voluntary commitments to lower stocking density. Critics point out that these welfare commitments are not legally binding and that planning conditions do not guarantee long‑term compliance. Recent withdrawals by restaurant chains from the Better Chicken Commitment underscore the controversy.Richard Griffiths, chief executive of the BPC, said the reforms are needed to accommodate welfare improvements rather than to expand production, noting a voluntary reduction in stocking density from 38 kg to 30 kg per square metre.Griffiths warned that failing to support domestic production could increase imports, and the BPC has called for food production to be classified as “critical national infrastructure.”Prof. Paul Behrens of the University of Oxford countered that the food‑security case for intensive poultry is “illusory” because the sector depends on imported feed and vitamins and is vulnerable to disease outbreaks such as avian flu.Opposition to poultry megafarms is organised, with local residents raising concerns over water pollution, air quality and the climate crisis. The Environment Agency estimates agriculture accounts for roughly 70 % of nitrate and 25‑30 % of phosphorus pollution in UK waterways, and runoff from intensive poultry units contributes to that burden.Last year, Norfolk councillors rejected Cranswick’s plan for a 900,000‑bird chicken farm after the company failed to demonstrate that the development would not cause “significant adverse effects on protected sites.”The BPC has also urged early intervention by the Planning Inspectorate to minimise delays, arguing that centralised oversight would bring objectivity to a system where “naysayers, particularly via social media, have a disproportionate sway in the decision‑making process.”Campaign group Communities Against Factory Farming warned that the proposed regime “risks embedding decades of industrial livestock land use in rural and green‑belt locations without adequate scrutiny,” giving “substantial weight” to the economic benefits of intensification.A government spokesperson rejected claims that the NPPF proposals are driven by lobbying, stating that they have been carefully considered to balance sector support with broader priorities such as food security and environmental protection.

Donald Trump announced over the weekend that he wants to "take the oil in Iran" by seizing control of Kharg Island, the strategic outpost through which roughly 90% of Iran’s oil exports flow. Experts say the remark underscores a blatant disregard for international law and exemplifies what they term “fossil‑fuel imperialism.” Patrick Bigger, co‑director of the Transition Security Project, described the approach as a "might‑makes‑right" logic that is both "abhorrent and spectacularly miscalculated." Trump is slated to give an update on the Iran‑U.S. conflict on Wednesday. He previously claimed the war could end within weeks, a statement that sent the stock market soaring on expectations of de‑escalation. Iran, however, has insisted it needs guarantees against future attacks before halting its counter‑offensive. The fighting continues, highlighted by an Iranian strike on a fully loaded crude tanker in Dubai and threats to "blow up and completely obliterate" Iran’s energy infrastructure if the Strait of Hormuz is not reopened promptly. Kharg Island, a five‑mile strip that handles the bulk of Iran’s oil shipments, along with its power plants and oil wells, has been singled out by Trump. He told the Financial Times that U.S. forces should take over the island and the oil stored there. "My favorite thing is to take the oil in Iran," Trump said, adding that critics in the United States are "stupid people." Amir Handjani, an energy lawyer at the Quincy Institute, warned that the statement "completely discredited" the war’s stated objectives and revealed a classic play for natural resources. Handjani noted that Trump’s desire to seize Iranian oil is not new; he voiced similar ambitions in a 1988 interview while promoting The Art of the Deal, saying he would "do a number on Kharg Island" if elected. The former president has also floated comparable ideas for Iraq, Syria and Venezuela, suggesting the United States could appropriate their oil to offset war costs or bolster strategic reserves. Handjani emphasized that international law provides no framework for waging war to capture sovereign nations' natural resources. From a military perspective, taking Kharg Island would be extremely challenging. Iranian missile defenses have rendered regional U.S. bases inoperable, meaning any assault would likely require a parachute insertion of Marines into heavy fire, with the risk of massive Iranian retaliation. Handjani warned that such retaliation could target oil export terminals across the Persian Gulf, potentially driving crude prices to $200‑$300 per barrel and destabilising the global economy. The conflict has already caused the largest-ever disruption to global energy supplies, killing thousands and sparking sharp fuel‑price shocks. While consumers bear the brunt, major fossil‑fuel companies are enjoying windfall profits. Bigger noted that higher oil prices benefit oil majors and are being used as a pretext to expand U.S. drilling, further entrenching reliance on carbon‑intensive fuels. According to Bigger, Trump’s rhetoric reveals a belief that "fossil fuels are a linchpin of his domestic industrial strategy," and that controlling oil equates to controlling global power. He argues that this mindset threatens the international order and hampers the transition to cleaner energy.

As Easter approaches, concert halls from London to Leipzig are flooded with performances of Johann Sebastian Bach’s masterpieces, most notably the St Matthew Passion and the St John Passion. Chart data from the Official Classical Chart, Apple Music’s classical rankings and specialist listings show Bach out‑performing every other composer, with releases such as Yunchan Lim’s take on the Goldberg Variations and Raphaël Pichon’s recording of the St John Passion leading the pack.Two vivid descriptors have captured the public’s imagination this week: “Bach the zombie” and “Bach the meat‑grinder.”strong> Violinist James Ehnes coined the former to highlight the music’s ability to survive any arrangement or re‑imagining, while Guardian critic Clive Paget used the latter to describe the relentless, visceral intensity of the opening chorus in Pichon’s St John Passion recording.The “meat‑grinder” metaphor points to Bach’s obsessive repetitions and searing harmonies that convey the raw agony of the Passion narrative. In contrast, the “zombie” image underscores the composer’s uncanny durability: his works thrive whether rendered for saxophone quartet, Wendy Carlos’s synthesizers, Leopold Stokowski’s lush orchestration, or even a mandolin played in a New York park.Bach’s presence on the silver screen further illustrates his cultural elasticity. His slow, stately rendition of the final chorus of the St Matthew Passion underscored Pier Paolo Pasolini’s 1964 film The Gospel According to St Matthew, while the haunting aria from the Goldberg Variations was famously chosen by Hannibal Lecter in The Silence of the Lambs as he prepares a gruesome act. These examples show how Bach can serve as both spiritual solace and chilling inspiration.Modern performers continue to reinvent the canon. Pianist Víkingur Ólafsson, who logged more than ninety performances of the Goldberg Variations in a single year, describes each rendition as a “religious pilgrimage” that reshapes the listener’s experience. Meanwhile, mandolin virtuoso Chris Thile released a second volume of Bach’s Sonatas and Partitas performed on his instrument in Tompkins Square Park. The recording captures ambient city sounds—birds, footsteps, fellow buskers—blending them with Bach’s intricate C‑major fugue to create what Thile calls “the effortless fugue of city life.”These diverse reinterpretations confirm a simple truth: Bach’s music is indestructible. Whether heard in a grand cathedral, a streaming playlist, or a bustling park, his compositions adapt without losing their core emotional impact. This Easter, listeners are invited to embrace Bach not as a relic confined to history, but as a living, breathing force that continues to energise and inspire across genres and generations.

The families of British citizens held in the United Arab Emirates over allegations that they shared images of the conflict with Iran have expressed frustration at the British government's failure to help.Several British citizens are among more than 100 foreign nationals who have been detained under draconian Emirate rules that outlaw publishing or sharing material that could 'disturb public security'.UK government ministers have refused to condemn the arrests, amid claims they are too fearful of offending the Emirates because of their economic clout.The campaign group Dubai Watch, which is supporting nine British detainees, said their identities could not be revealed for fear of reprisals. But it has shown the Guardian anonymised correspondence from their increasingly anxious families.A mother whose daughter is being held wrote: 'This experience is exhausting, mentally and emotionally.'She described reading media reports about the continuing conflict in which Iran has retaliated against US and Israelis strikes by firing drones and missiles against its Gulf neighbours, including the UAE.She said: 'I have just read another article, and quite frankly I could do one purely on the inadequacies and sycophantic responses from this [UK] embassy.'She also expressed increasing fears for her daughter's safety as attacks continued. The mother said: 'I spoke to [my daughter] last night and they are no longer allowed to go outside in the courtyard as it's now deemed too dangerous to do so. This is an even bigger worry as they are all just sitting ducks.'Another message from a woman whose husband had been detained under the same law said the case had been 'mishandled'. She added: 'We are scared because nobody is telling us the truth. Can you please help us.'Police in Abu Dhabi said those detained had 'filmed sites and events and disseminated inaccurate information via social media platforms during the ongoing events, an action that could stir public opinion and spread rumours among community members'. In a statement, the officials said these 'violations' amounted to a 'misuse of social media'.Daisy Cooper, the deputy leader of the Liberal Democrats, confirmed that one of the detainees was a St Albans' constituent. She said their family was frustrated by the lack of consular help.Cooper told the Guardian: 'I'm deeply concerned that my constituent has been held with very little contact with their family, with no clear access to legal counsel, and no confirmation that UK consular officials have been permitted to visit them. The family are distressed and desperate for information about their wellbeing.'Cooper also criticised the UAE's round-up of anyone it has accused of sharing images of the conflict. She said: 'The response from the authorities appears wholly disproportionate given the nature of the allegations.'The Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office confirmed that five UK nationals were receiving consular assistance in the UAE.David Haigh, a human rights lawyer and founder of Dubai Watch, said: 'There's an awful lot more than five cases. The embassy is overwhelmed.'He added: 'There hasn't been any government intervention because it would offend the UAE and they don't want to do that. Impotent is the best way to describe the response. They're too scared – it's all about the money and investment from the UAE.'

The Guardian’s March reading roundup gathers a diverse set of recommendations from both its writers and its readership, offering a snapshot of the titles that captured their attention over the past month.John Lanchester highlights two recent British novels that resonated with him after completing his own manuscript: Drayton and Mackenzie by Alexander Starritt, a story of friendship intertwined with business, and The New Life by Tom Crewe, which explores gay life in the 1890s. His European picks include Eurotrash by Christian Kracht, a darkly comic road‑trip tale, Perfection by Vincenzo Latronico, a critique of the digital‑nomad lifestyle, and Olga Tokarczuk’s genre‑defying Drive Your Plow Over the Bones of the Dead. Lanchester also notes his own recent release, Look What You Made Me Do, available from Faber for £20 via the Guardian bookshop.James, a regular Guardian reader, is immersed in Tom’s Crossing by Mark Danielewski. He describes the 1,200‑page modern western as a masterclass in character depth and meticulous detail, urging readers not to be deterred by its length.Patmeena Sabit turns to shorter forms when time is scarce, recommending Hue and Cry by James Alan McPherson for its understated humanity, Fifty‑Two Stories (a new Chekhov collection translated by Richard Pevear and Larissa Volokhonsky) for its blend of classics and previously untranslated pieces, and Ada Limón’s poetry collection Bright Dead Things for its poignant beauty. Sabit also promotes her own work, Good People, published by Virago at £16.99.David praises Zbig: The Life of Zbigniew Brzezinski, America’s Cold War Prophet by Edward Luce, calling it a dense yet illuminating autobiography that traces U.S. and global power dynamics from the 1960s to the early Trump era, and recommending a piecemeal reading approach.Arash finds profound resonance in Mother Mary Comes to Me by Arundhati Roy. He describes the memoir as an emotionally powerful tribute to Roy’s mother, noting its refusal to fall into gendered clichés while championing compassion and resistance against chauvinism.