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Les Kiss is set to take over the Wallabies in July, inheriting a side desperate to climb back to the top of world rugby. He faces a tight schedule – 14 months and 19 Tests – before the 2027 Rugby World Cup that Australia will host. Describing his mandate, Kiss stresses that he is not aiming for a radical overhaul. "It's not a revolution, it's evolution," he told the Guardian. "Core values like discipline, accountability and strategic planning stay firmly in place." What makes Kiss an outlier is his background: a former rugby league international who never played union at senior level. He says this forced him to "earn his stripes" in the union code, learning that culture and standards in the locker room drive performance on the field. His personal story is rooted in a family that escaped the Hungarian Revolution and settled in Bundaberg, and a playing career that saw him sprint down the wing before a knee injury sidelined him for four years. Those experiences, he believes, forged the resilience he now brings to coaching. After a stint in marketing and junior coaching, Kiss transitioned to union coaching, first as a defence coach for the Springboks (2001‑02), then as an assistant with Ireland (2009‑15), director of Ulster Rugby, and finally a three‑year spell with London Irish in the Premiership. Returning to Australia in 2024 to lead the Queensland Reds, he guided the franchise to its most prolific try‑scoring season in three decades, back‑to‑back quarter‑final appearances and record crowd numbers. The Reds sit 4‑2 in the 2026 Super Rugby Pacific season and are eyeing a top‑four finish. Kiss’s coaching philosophy centres on connection. "Coaching is about rapport and building something strong together," he says, adding that he is fully invested and treats every team like family. His transition to the Wallabies will be smoothed by a close partnership with current head coach Joe Schmidt. The two have shared roughly 40 Tests, developing a strong rapport that Kiss believes will help him "understand the breakdown" and set the right structures for success. The emerging "Kiss army" already includes former All Blacks staffer Scott McLeod as defence coach, analyst Eoin Toolan, set‑piece specialist Tom Donnelly, scrum guru Mike Cron, and consultant Laurie Fisher. Skills coach Mick Byrne and U20s boss Chris Whitaker also remain on board. While his new responsibilities grow, Kiss assures fans he remains 100% committed to the Reds, vowing not to let the franchise down despite his expanding duties. On the player front, Kiss highlights a blend of seasoned talent and fresh faces that could power Australia’s World Cup campaign. The likes of Mark Nawaqanitawase, Max Jorgensen, former winger Dylan Pietsch, and NRL convert Zac Lomax are poised to add dynamism, while 18‑year‑old prodigy Treyvan Pritachard offers a glimpse of the future. Ultimately, Kiss believes the Wallabies embody a uniquely Australian style – inventive, physical, and expressive – forged in backyard games and a culture of resilience. "The Australian way isn’t formulaic; it’s about solving problems on the field in our own special way," he concludes.

In a pulsating Friday night showdown, Northampton Saints held off a resilient Castres Olympique side to clinch a 49‑41 victory and book a place in the Champions Cup quarter‑finals.Castres were hampered by discipline, receiving three yellow cards – two within a three‑minute spell in the first half and another ten minutes from the break – and missed three of six conversion attempts, leaving valuable points on the board.Saints, however, kept the ball alive, launching an attack on every possession. They crossed the try line seven times, including a penalty try, with fly‑half Anthony Belleau successfully slotting six conversions.The French side struck first when wing Christian Ambadiang capitalised on a scrum‑half kick to score in the corner after just seven minutes. He added an early intercept try and later forced a penalty try after pulling Saints winger James Ramm over the line, earning himself a yellow card.Discipline continued to bite Castres when second‑row Guillaume Ducat was sin‑binned for a high‑impact collision with Saints flanker Henry Pollock. Even with a numerical advantage, Castres struggled to retain possession, conceding a penalty that scrum‑half Jérémy Fernandez converted.Early in the second half, Saints broke the deadlock with a try from Josh Kemeny, followed by a score from Tommy Freeman nine minutes later, widening the gap.Castres fought back when centre Tyler Ardron intercepted a pass to touch down, but a subsequent handling error by Saints’ Santiago Arata prevented a further Castres try. Saints responded with a rapid interception by Vuate Karawalevu, though the try was disallowed for a prior knock‑on. The Saints then exploited defensive lapses, with George Furbank and James Ramm each adding scores.In the closing stages, Castres’ Vilimoni Botitu found the line, yet a yellow card for Veresa Ramototabua’s high tackle and a late try from Fraser Dingwall sealed the Saints’ win. The victory propels Northampton, last year’s losing finalists, into a quarter‑final clash against either Bath or Saracens.

The conflict between Iran, the US, and Israel has taken a devastating toll on civilians, with widespread destruction and displacement reported across the country.At the Kapıköy border crossing in eastern Turkey, a mountain pass that serves as one of the few gateways to the west from Iran, many Iranians are fleeing the country due to the intensifying conflict.Amir, a 33-year-old foreign exchange and cryptocurrency trader from Tehran, is one of them. He described the nightly bombardments and said, 'Every night they are bombarding. Boom. Because of the war.'Others, like a pharmacologist from Tehran, are traveling to see their families in Europe, citing anxiety and frustration with the current situation. 'All of the people live with anxiety,' she said. 'We are very tired of the revolution of [the] Islamic republic of Iran.'The UN refugee agency reports that close to 64,000 Iranians arrived in Turkey between March 3 and 30, while more than 48,000 Iranian nationals returned to Iran.The International Organization for Migration estimates that more than 82,000 residential units have been hit by the US and Israeli strikes, affecting 180,000 people.Many at the Kapıköy border point expressed fear and uncertainty about the future, with some saying they were waiting to see what the outcome would be before making a decision.The conflict has had a significant impact on the economy, with part-government-owned corporations ordering people back to work and many businesses forced to close.As the situation continues to deteriorate, many are seeking safety abroad, while others are returning to Iran to be with their families.

Los Angeles residents are feeling the strain of soaring gas prices, with some stations charging as high as $8 a gallon. The Iran war has created the largest supply disruption in the history of the global oil market, according to the International Energy Agency, contributing to the price surge.For Jack Nooney, a musician and grocery deli employee, the daily commute from his San Fernando Valley apartment to Santa Monica has become a costly affair. To save gas, Nooney has started shifting his manual transmission into neutral and coasting down steep declines on the I-405. He also scouts for the best gas prices and prefers stations near his home.The impact of high gas prices is being felt across various industries. Chris Hardin, a music manager, says his clients are struggling with the increased costs, especially those who rely on touring. Hardin has started taking his motorcycle to work multiple times a week to save fuel.Professional drivers, however, have limited options. Jenise Blanc, owner of LA's Canyon Car Service, is absorbing the increased costs, but may be forced to re-evaluate her pricing strategy if the situation doesn't improve. Electric vehicles are becoming a more viable option, with Blanc's company now leaning into its two electric cars.The rising gas prices are also affecting small businesses, with Blanc noting that it's tough to pass on the increased costs to customers without risking a loss of business. As the situation continues, residents and businesses are looking for ways to adapt and mitigate the impact of high fuel costs.

US senators have strongly rebuked Ticketmaster for increasing ticket fees following a regulatory crackdown on hidden charges. This move has been described as a 'bait and switch' tactic, leaving consumers with higher costs.The Federal Trade Commission (FTC) had mandated Ticketmaster to disclose all concert ticket fees upfront, known as all-in pricing, starting last May. In response, the company removed the order processing fee charged at the end of a transaction. However, documents obtained by the Guardian reveal that Ticketmaster simply raised other fees to offset the loss, potentially violating the FTC's ban on misleading fees.Senator Richard Blumenthal from Connecticut expressed his concerns, stating, 'Ticketmaster seems to believe it has a get-out-of-jail-free card to ignore antitrust and consumer protection laws. The FTC is going to have to choose whether to protect consumers and enforce the law, or cave to Ticketmaster lobbyists.'The FTC had sued Ticketmaster and its parent company, Live Nation Entertainment, last September for hiding mandatory fees until the end of the transaction. Ticketmaster claims it complies with the FTC's all-in pricing rules.In response to the criticism, Ticketmaster stated, 'Since May 2025, tickets on Ticketmaster.com have displayed the full price upfront in line with the FTC's all-in pricing rule. We also provide explanations of fees during the purchase process and maintain a dedicated page with additional information.'Senator Elizabeth Warren from Massachusetts also criticized Ticketmaster, saying, 'Too many giant monopolies think the law doesn’t apply to them, and it’s American families who are forced to pay the price.'An ongoing federal trial is examining whether Ticketmaster operates an illegal monopoly in the live music industry. The company denies these allegations.

Iraq is facing a balancing act as the US-Israeli war on Iran exposes deep divisions within the country. The conflict has highlighted the divisions between those who view the attacks on Iran as a means to end Tehran's longstanding influence over Iraqi politics and those who are loyal to the Islamic republic. The war has struck Iraq during a precarious power vacuum, following the stepping aside of caretaker leader Mohammed Shia al-Sudani, whose coalition won the largest share of seats in November's parliamentary elections. This power vacuum has exacerbated tensions, with factions from the Islamic Resistance in Iraq, an umbrella body of Iran-backed armed groups, vowing to drag the US into a long war of attrition. The group has claimed responsibility for numerous drone and missile attacks on targets in Iraq and neighboring countries, including the US base in Erbil and the city's international airport. In response, unclaimed airstrikes attributed to US and Israeli forces have hit positions across the country, killing several commanders and fighters. Iraqi leaders are attempting to maintain a balancing act, denouncing the killing of Iran's supreme leader Ali Khamenei while rejecting attempts by Tehran to draw Iraq into the conflict. However, this balancing act is complicated by the fact that pro-Iran groups are also members of the Popular Mobilisation Units (PMU), a sprawling institution that operates with its own agenda. The conflict has significant implications for Iraq's stability and economy, with a looming financial disaster hanging over the country due to the crisis over the strait of Hormuz and the loss of oil revenue. The US pressure and threat of sanctions have forced some members of the pro-Iran Shia alliance in Iraq's parliament to distance themselves from more militant factions. The killing of Hassan Nasrallah, the leader of Hezbollah, has also had a profound impact on the Iraqi resistance factions, which have struggled to respond effectively to the recent war. The insider close to the pro-Iran factions noted that the killing of Nasrallah has affected the Iraqi resistance factions more than the killing of Khamenei, as Nasrallah had a direct appeal to many commanders.

Human Rights Watch (HRW) released a comprehensive report titled None Can Run Away, concluding that Burkina Faso’s military, its allied Volunteers for the Defence of the Homeland (VDPs), and the al‑Qaeda‑linked Jama’at Nusrat al‑Islam wa al‑Muslimin (JNIM) have perpetrated war crimes and crimes against humanity since the coup that brought the junta to power in September 2022. Through in‑person and telephone interviews with more than 450 witnesses across Burkina Faso, Benin, Ivory Coast, Ghana and Mali, HRW verified 57 distinct incidents involving wilful killing, attacks on civilians and civilian objects, pillage, looting, and forced displacement. The report estimates that 1,837 civilians were killed between January 2023 and August 2025, with over 1,200 deaths directly linked to government forces. The United Nations estimates that the conflict has displaced approximately two million people, underscoring a humanitarian crisis of regional magnitude. Among the deadliest attacks, the military and VDP militias slaughtered more than 400 civilians across 16 villages near the northern town of Djibo in December 2023. In November 2023, allied militias killed 13 Fulani civilians—including six women and four children—in the western village of Basse, employing methods described by survivors as “blindfolded, hands tied, and riddled with bullets.” JNIM’s own atrocities were highlighted by the August 24, 2024 massacre in Barsalogho, where at least 133 civilians, many of them children, were shot indiscriminately. HRW’s findings point to a systematic targeting of the Fulani ethnic group, whom the junta accuses of supporting armed insurgents, resulting in what the report characterises as an ethnic cleansing of entire communities. HRW calls for urgent investigations into President Ibrahim Traoré, the supreme commander of the armed forces, and six senior military commanders for “grave abuses.” The organization also urges scrutiny of Iyad Ag Ghaly, JNIM’s supreme leader wanted by the International Criminal Court, and four of his commanders under the principle of command responsibility. “The scale of atrocities taking place in Burkina Faso is mind‑boggling, as is the lack of global attention to this crisis,” said Philippe Bolopion, executive director of HRW. “The junta is committing horrific abuses itself, failing to hold those responsible on all sides to account, and curtailing reporting to obscure the suffering of civilians caught in the violence.” Survivors recount harrowing details: a 41‑year‑old father described his son’s body “shot in the back of the neck,” while a 39‑year‑old witness to the Barsalogho attack said, “People were falling like flies. They came to exterminate us. They did not spare anyone.” These revelations amplify calls from the international community for accountability and for renewed humanitarian assistance to the millions displaced by the protracted Sahel conflict.

The UK is leading a coalition of approximately 40 nations in virtual talks to address the ongoing blockade of the Strait of Hormuz by Iran. The waterway, crucial for global energy supply, has been blocked since the US and Israel initiated a war on Iran on February 28.The blockade has had severe economic repercussions, causing global oil prices to skyrocket above $100 per barrel, a roughly 40% increase from pre-war levels. This surge has forced countries, particularly in Asia, to implement fuel rationing and reduce industrial production. For instance, Malaysia has ordered all civil servants to work from home to conserve energy.The US has opted out of these talks, with President Donald Trump stating it's not the US's responsibility to reopen the strait, suggesting that European countries should secure their own oil. In response, UK Prime Minister Keir Starmer is chairing a video conference with over 40 countries, including France, the Netherlands, Germany, Italy, Canada, Australia, and the United Arab Emirates.The meeting's agenda includes assessing diplomatic and political measures to restore freedom of navigation, ensure the safety of trapped ships and seafarers, and resume the movement of vital commodities. The UK government has also outlined plans to clear the strait of landmines and protect tankers crossing the area.Experts suggest that while the coalition's efforts are crucial, the blockade's resolution is uncertain without an arrangement with Iran. Iran has demanded international recognition of its authority over the Strait of Hormuz as one of its conditions for a ceasefire. The country's parliament is also considering legislation to collect tolls from ships transiting the strait.Analysts argue that reopening the strait by force would require US and European allies to collaborate. However, under current circumstances, the coalition's success seems doubtful unless a negotiated arrangement with Iran is reached.

Europe’s attention is fixed on Hungary’s parliamentary election scheduled for April 12, a contest many analysts view as a litmus test for the bloc’s cohesion on foreign‑policy, defence, energy and migration. Since coming to power, Prime Minister Viktor Orban has consistently blocked EU initiatives: he has refused to join a common asylum framework, opposed a joint defence scheme, resisted the shift toward renewable‑energy independence while still importing Russian hydrocarbons, and vetoed both Ukraine’s accession talks and a proposed €90 billion low‑interest loan package for Kyiv. These actions have made Hungary the most disruptive member state in the Union, prompting observers to argue that the election’s outcome will reverberate far beyond Budapest’s borders. Greek conservative MP Angelos Syrigos warned that the EU is plagued by “fanatically Trump‑like and pro‑Russian” governments, naming Hungary and Slovakia as examples. He told Al Jazeera that the constant threat of an Orban veto forces other capitals to seek ad‑hoc compromises rather than genuine consensus. Opposition leader Peter Magyar of the Tisza party is campaigning on a pro‑European platform, pledging a binding referendum on Ukraine’s membership, a crackdown on corruption, the release of billions in frozen EU funds, and a reversal of Hungary’s withdrawal from the International Criminal Court. Current polls give Tisza roughly 50 % of the vote, a ten‑point lead over the ruling Fidesz, though the political landscape remains fluid. Even a Magyar victory would not automatically resolve the EU’s structural challenges. Other illiberal leaders—such as Slovakia’s Robert Fico and the Czech Republic’s Andrej Babiš—could step into a vacuum of obstructionism. Nevertheless, some scholars argue that Orban’s habit of breaking consensus has forced the Union to become more pragmatic. At a December 2023 summit, EU leaders temporarily excluded Orban to secure unanimous approval of Ukraine’s candidate status, later offering Hungary a €10 billion release of blocked funds as an incentive. Professor Katalin Miklossy of the University of Helsinki explained that the EU has shifted from a rigid, rule‑bound approach to a more flexible, problem‑solving mindset, saying, “We were weak when we clung to the book; now we act more practically.” Should Orban remain in power, the bloc is considering a workaround: issuing 26 bilateral loans to Ukraine from member states, bypassing any single‑country veto. Historical precedent exists. In 2010, when Greece’s debt crisis threatened the euro, EU members created the Greek Loan Facility—an ad‑hoc series of bilateral loans that compensated for the lack of a common rescue fund. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy has warned that delays in funding could leave the Ukrainian army under‑resourced, underscoring the geopolitical stakes of the Hungarian vote. The EU’s inability to move from unanimity to qualified‑majority voting—an ambition thwarted by failed French and Dutch referenda in 2005—has amplified Orban’s leverage. Yet the Union continues to evolve, having launched a common bond in 2020 to revive the pandemic‑hit economy and, since Russia’s 2022 invasion, channeling resources into a nascent European defence union. Orban’s recent reversal on the €90 billion Ukraine loan—after Kyiv refused to repair the Druzhba pipeline damaged by a Russian bomb—illustrates the volatility of his stance. He initially agreed to the loan in December, on the condition that Hungary, Slovakia and the Czech Republic would not be required to co‑sign, only to withdraw support a month later. Even if Magyar secures a parliamentary majority, the promised loan may not materialise immediately. Cambridge‑based expert Victoria Vdovychenko notes that a decision made in December 2025 to disburse funds from January 2026 has already stalled, with the next realistic window possibly in June. Academics stress that a Tisza victory would deliver a psychological boost to the EU and its trans‑Atlantic partners, injecting confidence into a system battling “stealth creep of illiberalism” and economic disenfranchisement. Professor SM Amadae of Cambridge’s Centre for the Study of Existential Risk warned that while a change in Hungary could energise citizens, the entrenched gerrymandering and patronage networks of Fidesz present formidable obstacles to lasting reform. In sum, the April 12 election is more than a domestic contest; it is a pivotal moment that could reshape the EU’s decision‑making architecture, determine the flow of critical aid to Ukraine, and signal the future trajectory of populist politics across Europe.