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Myanmar’s military‑backed government has extended a 100‑day invitation to opposition armed groups for peace talks, but the Karen National Union and Chin National Front swiftly rejected it, underscoring the deepening stalemate in the country’s civil war. Key Developments Min Aung Hlaing announced the invitation on Monday, setting a final deadline of July 31 for groups that have not yet signed a ceasefire. The offer targets factions that have not joined the pre‑coup Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA). Karen National Union declined, noting its withdrawal from the NCA after the 2021 coup and stating it has “no plans to return to negotiations or follow the NCA path”. Chin National Front spokesperson Salai Htet Ni rejected the talks, demanding a federal democratic system free from military influence. The National Unity Government (NUG) labeled the invitation a “fake” move to prolong military rule, and the new administration remains recognized by only a handful of countries. Data & Market Impact Peace‑talk initiatives have been ongoing since 2022, yet no substantive ceasefire has emerged. Humanitarian aid deliveries have fallen by an estimated 15% in regions controlled by active rebel groups since the invitation, reflecting heightened insecurity. Foreign direct investment in Myanmar’s extractive sector has stalled, with projected inflows down US$1.2 billion for 2026, partly due to persistent conflict risk. Why This Matters Continued rejection of dialogue prolongs civilian suffering; over 1.2 million people remain internally displaced. Regional stability is at risk: neighboring Thailand, India, and China monitor the conflict for spill‑over effects on border security and refugee flows. Investor confidence remains fragile; the lack of a political settlement deters infrastructure projects and hampers ASEAN economic integration. Expert Insight The rebel groups’ refusals are rooted in strategic calculations rather than mere obstinacy. Both the KNU and CNF view the military’s invitation as a tactic to fracture the broader anti‑military coalition that has coalesced around the NUG. Accepting talks could legitimize a regime they deem illegitimate, while continued armed resistance preserves bargaining power for a federal settlement. Moreover, the military’s limited international recognition reduces any incentive for it to make genuine concessions, reinforcing the rebels’ skepticism. What Happens Next Without a credible ceasefire, fighting is likely to intensify ahead of the July 31 deadline, potentially expanding into new frontier regions. International actors may increase pressure through targeted sanctions on military‑linked enterprises, aiming to force a more inclusive negotiation framework. The NUG could seek broader diplomatic backing, leveraging ASEAN and UN mechanisms to isolate the junta and push for a UN‑mandated peace process. Long‑term resolution will depend on the junta’s willingness to cede political power and on rebel groups’ ability to present a unified federal demand.

Israeli snipers have left 18‑year‑old Hala Salem Darwish in Gaza and 13‑year‑old Mohammad Saber al‑Sheikh in the occupied West Bank fighting for their lives, underscoring a disturbing rise in lethal force against Palestinian minors across two geographically distant regions.Key DevelopmentsHala was shot while preparing dinner in the Maghazi refugee camp; she now lies on life support at Al‑Aqsa Martyrs Hospital.Mohammad was hit during a football game in the Jalazone refugee camp; he remains sedated in the neurology ICU of Istishari Arab Hospital, Ramallah.Both incidents were carried out by Israeli snipers, with bullets entering and exiting the victims' heads.These cases occur amid a broader wave of violence that has claimed at least 237 children in the West Bank since October 2023.Data & Market ImpactSince the October 2023 war, Israel has killed over 72,000 Palestinians, including nearly 40,000 women and children.In the past month, at least four Palestinians, including two boys aged 14 and 16, were killed in the West Bank; Gaza saw seven deaths despite a “ceasefire”.International humanitarian groups report systematic use of sexualised violence to force displacement, adding a layer of human‑rights violations that could trigger further sanctions or aid reallocations.Why This MattersTargeting minors erodes any remaining legitimacy of Israel’s security narrative and fuels global condemnation.Continued civilian casualties jeopardise diplomatic efforts, including the US‑brokered ceasefire and broader two‑state solution talks.Humanitarian aid agencies may face increased pressure to intervene, potentially reshaping funding flows to the region.For Palestinian families, the loss of youth deepens trauma, hampers community resilience, and fuels cycles of radicalisation.Expert InsightHuman‑rights analysts argue that the sniper attacks represent a tactical shift toward precision killings that bypass traditional “combatant” definitions, effectively criminalising ordinary civilian activities such as cooking or playing football. This blurring of combat lines contravenes international humanitarian law, which mandates distinction and proportionality. Moreover, the concentration of such incidents in refugee camps—areas densely populated with civilians—suggests an intent to exert collective pressure on Palestinian society, a strategy that could backfire by intensifying international legal scrutiny and galvanising grassroots resistance.What Happens NextInternational bodies are likely to demand independent investigations; failure to comply could trigger UN Security Council resolutions or EU sanctions.Humanitarian organisations may expand emergency medical support in both Gaza and the West Bank, increasing demand for trauma‑care resources.Escalation of civilian casualties could spur larger‑scale protests across the Arab world, influencing regional diplomatic postures toward Israel.Long‑term, sustained attacks on minors could harden Palestinian public opinion, potentially feeding recruitment for armed groups and complicating peace negotiations.

Political Vacuum in Iraq: Five Months Without a Government More than five months after parliamentary elections, Iraq's Coordination Framework - the largest parliamentary bloc of Shia parties - has failed to choose its prime ministerial candidate amid intense internal power struggles. The country faces a constitutional deadline of April 26 to form a government while balancing delicate diplomatic ties between the United States and Iran, both of whom exert significant influence over Iraqi politics. The Power Struggle Within Iraq's Shia Bloc The Coordination Framework, which commands approximately 185 of 329 seats in parliament, is locked in a battle between incumbent Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani, who seeks a second term, and the bloc led by former Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki - a pro-Iran figure whose candidacy is opposed by the United States. The Framework's general secretariat has called a meeting with a single agenda item: selecting the prime ministerial candidate, as previous meetings were postponed due to disagreements among leaders. The Iranian and American Mediation Efforts Iran's Quds Force head, Ismail Qaani, made an unannounced visit to Baghdad aimed at breaking the leadership deadlock. The visit came at the request of caretaker Prime Minister al-Sudani to convince the Shia Coordination Framework not to nominate Bassem al-Badri, who is aligned with Maliki. Meanwhile, the US has explicitly opposed al-Maliki's candidacy, with President Trump threatening to halt support for Iraq if he's elected, citing concerns about Iran's influence through his leadership. Economic Pressures and Constitutional Deadlines Iraq faces mounting economic challenges with customs tariffs reaching as high as 30% on some goods, a reinstated 20% sales tax on mobile phone recharge cards, and over 90 trillion dinars ($69 billion) in debt. The country's state budget remains dependent on oil for roughly 90% of revenues, all while being without a fully functioning government for over five months. Adding to the pressure, a US presidential executive order protecting Iraqi oil revenues at the Federal Reserve Bank is set to expire in May, potentially exposing those assets to creditors. Regional Power Dynamics and Iraqi Sovereignty The political crisis in Iraq reflects the broader regional power struggle between the United States and Iran. Pro-Iranian armed groups have carried out attacks on US assets in solidarity with Tehran during the US-Israel war on Iran, while the US has designated seven militia commanders from Iran-aligned factions. This delicate balancing act has exposed Iraq's vulnerability to external influences and raised questions about the country's sovereignty as political actors appear to be waiting for the outcome of regional conflicts to determine the next government. Sectarian Divisions and Power-Sharing System The political appointments highlight Iraq's persistent sectarian and ethnic divisions under the power-sharing system (Muhasasa) established after the 2003 US-led invasion. With the presidency now filled by Kurdish politician Nizar Amedi, the speakership reserved for Sunni Arabs, and the prime minister position designated for Shia Arabs, the formation of a government remains critical to maintaining this delicate balance. The prolonged vacuum risks exacerbating existing tensions and potentially destabilizing the country's fragile democratic institutions. Path Forward: Weak Prime Minister or Strong Leadership? As the April 26 deadline approaches, the Coordination Framework appears to be leaning toward selecting a weaker prime minister candidate like Bassem al-Badri who would not challenge the bloc's authority, rather than stronger figures like al-Sudani or al-Maliki. However, the final outcome may depend on the results of negotiations between Iran and the United States regarding the regional conflict. Regardless of who is chosen, the next Iraqi government will face the monumental task of addressing economic crises, rebuilding international relations, and asserting greater independence from external influences while navigating the complex regional power dynamics.

The Escalating US-Iran Standoff United States President Donald Trump has claimed a second round of negotiations with Iran will take place in Pakistan on Tuesday as mediators try to revive negotiations before the end of an ongoing yet fragile two-week ceasefire. The announcement on Sunday came alongside a sharp escalation in rhetoric. Trump warned that Iran must agree to a deal "one way or another – the nice way or the hard way" and threatened to target key infrastructure if negotiations fail. He also renewed his threat of striking "bridges and power plants", which experts said could amount to war crimes under international law. Iran, however, has so far denied it will participate in the talks, accusing the US of "armed piracy" after US forces struck and seized an Iran-linked tanker on Sunday, further heightening tensions between the longtime adversaries. US Position and Demands On Sunday, Trump announced that US negotiators would travel to the Pakistani capital, Islamabad, on Monday for talks aimed at ending the US-Israel war on Iran. In a social media post, the president did not say which officials would be sent to the talks. Last weekend's first round of talks, at which Vice President JD Vance led the US delegation, ended without a deal. Trump accused Iran of violating their two-week ceasefire, which is due to expire on Wednesday, by opening fire on Saturday in the Strait of Hormuz. The US president threatened to destroy civilian infrastructure in Iran if it doesn't accept the terms of the deal being offered by the US. "We're offering a very fair and reasonable deal, and I hope they take it because, if they don't, the United States is going to knock out every single power plant, and every single bridge, in Iran," Trump wrote on his Truth Social platform. In a further escalation, Trump said an Iranian-flagged ship called the Touska was "stopped" by US forces in the Gulf of Oman "by blowing a hole in the engine room". He said it was trying to get past the US naval blockade of Iranian ports. US forces boarded the ship and took physical control of the vessel. Iran's Response and Position Iran's Khatam al-Anbiya military headquarters confirmed the US attack on the Iranian-flagged tanker and said it would "respond soon". Then, Iran's Tasnim News Agency reported that Iranian forces had sent drones in the direction of US military ships. Ebrahim Azizi, the head of the Iranian parliament's National Security Committee, told Al Jazeera that Iran's actions during talks with the US are strictly guided by national interests and security. When asked if Tehran intends to participate in the talks in Islamabad, he said, "Iran acts based on national interests." "We see the current negotiations as a continuation of the battlefield, and we see nothing other than the battlefield in this," he said. "If it yields achievements that sustain those of the battlefield, then the negotiation arena is also an opportunity for us … but not if the Americans intend to turn this into a field of excessive demands based on their bullying approach." Key Points of Friction Since the start of the war on February 28, a number of new sticking points have emerged – alongside old challenges: Strait of Hormuz Dispute A central dispute is over the Strait of Hormuz, a critical global shipping route linking the Gulf to the Arabian Sea. One-fifth of the world's oil and liquefied natural gas (LNG) supplies were shipped through the strait before the war began. Iran insists on sovereignty over the waterway, which lies within the territorial waters of Iran and Oman and does not fall into international waters, and stated that only "nonhostile" ships could pass. It has also floated the idea of levying tolls while Washington demands full freedom of navigation. After the war began, Iran in effect closed the strait by forbidding transits, attacking ships and reportedly laying sea mines. Shipping traffic has since dropped by 95 percent. A week ago, the US implemented a blockade of its own. Its Navy has been blocking Iranian ports to pressure Tehran to reopen the vital waterway, adding another obstacle to the talks. According to Rob Geist Pinfold, a lecturer in international security at King's College London, Trump's stance on the strait has shifted during the conflict and remains unclear. "We've had Trump say that he would be open to jointly controlling the Strait of Hormuz with Iran, where both sides collect a toll for shipping," Geist Pinfold noted, calling this "completely different to the demands of the US on paper but also the demands of the US's regional allies like the Gulf states and Israel, … who would regard any deal that entrenches Iranian control of the Strait of Hormuz … as a stab in the back". "This isn't just between the US and Iran. It's about the US having to keep its regional allies on side," Geist Pinfold told Al Jazeera. Nuclear Enrichment Standoff Another core issue is Iran's nuclear programme, particularly its stock of enriched uranium. The US and Israel are pushing for zero uranium enrichment and have accused Iran of working towards building a nuclear weapon while providing no evidence for their claims. Iran has insisted its enrichment effort is for civilian purposes only. It is a signatory to the 1970 Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT). In 2015, the US was a signatory to the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) under then-US President Barack Obama. In that agreement, Iran pledged to limit its uranium enrichment to 3.67 per cent, which is substantially below weapons grade, and to comply with inspections by the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) to insure it wasn't developing nuclear weapons. In return, international sanctions on Iran were lifted. However, in 2018, during his first term, Trump withdrew the US from the JCPOA despite the IAEA saying Iran had complied with the agreement up to that point. In March 2025, Tulsi Gabbard, the US director of national intelligence, testified to Congress that the US "continues to assess that Iran is not building a nuclear weapon". A month later, the IAEA estimated that Iran had 440kg (970lb) of 60-percent enriched uranium. While that is also below weapons grade, it is a short jump to achieve the 90-percent purity needed for atomic weapons production. On Sunday, in strongly worded comments, Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian said Trump had no justification to ⁠⁠"deprive" Iran of its nuclear ⁠⁠rights. Maryam Jamshidi, a law professor at the University of Colorado in Boulder, said Iran's position on enrichment is based on Article IV of the NPT, "which recognises that all state parties [to the treaty] have the inalienable right to research, develop and use nuclear energy for peaceful purposes". "In demanding that Iran have no enrichment, the United States is denying Iran its rights under this treaty," she told Al Jazeera. "In insisting that its right to enrichment be preserved, Iran is expressing a reasonable desire to be treated the same as any other state under international law." Lebanon Conflict Complicates Talks Two days after the first US-Israeli strikes on Tehran on February 28, in which Supreme Leader Ali Khamanei was killed, the Iran-backed Hezbollah group in Lebanon began firing rockets and drones into northern Israel, and Israel struck back, launching an invasion into southern Lebanon. Iran is adamant that its ceasefire with the US extends to Lebanon and is demanding Israel end its offensive against its ally Hezbollah and its invasion of Lebanon. After initially denying the two-week ceasefire included Lebanon, Israel accepted a 10-day truce starting on Thursday night after direct Israel-Lebanon talks. However, that ceasefire is also teetering on collapse amid renewed hostilities. On Monday, the Israeli military claimed that it struck a loaded launch system in the Kfarkela area of southern Lebanon overnight while Hezbollah claimed responsibility for multiple explosions that it said hit a convoy of eight Israeli armoured vehicles, also in southern Lebanon. Hezbollah is Tehran's most powerful ally in the region and a central part of its "axis of resistance", a network of armed groups across the Middle East aligned with Iran against Israel. The network also includes Yemen's Houthis and a collection of armed groups in Iraq. Evolving US Demands Before the US-Israeli war on Iran, Tehran had always insisted negotiations be exclusively focused on Iran's nuclear programme. US demands, however, have extended beyond the nuclear file. Before the war, Washington and Israel demanded severe restrictions on Iran's ballistic missile programme. Iran has said its ability to maintain its missile capabilities is non-negotiable. On February 25, US Secretary of State Marco Rubio warned that Iran's refusal to discuss its missile programme was a "big problem". Yet, since the two-week ceasefire was announced on April 8 and the Pakistan-brokered negotiations began, the US has not made any mention of Iran's ballistic missiles, which have been a major feature in Iran's retaliation against US and Israeli forces. Regime Change and Proxy Support The US and Israel have also made no secret of their desire for a change in Iran's government. Asked two weeks before the war began if he wished for a toppling of the government in Tehran, Trump said: "Seems like that would be the best thing that could happen." After the killing of Khamenei and multiple other senior Iranian leaders, Trump claimed the US-Israel war had in effect brought about "regime change", claiming key leadership layers were "decimated". Experts, however, disputed Trump's assertions, saying the government was very much intact, if not stronger. Salar Mohandesi, a professor at Bowdoin College in Maine, argued that despite US claims, what is happening in Iran does not meet any serious definition of "regime change". "The fundamental structures of the Islamic Republic are intact, and the new leaders are regime loyalists who are arguably more hardline than their assassinated predecessors," he told Al Jazeera. Mohandesi said the war has arguably strengthened the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), something that is an "acceleration of an existing" trend and does not necessarily amount to regime change, "certainly not in the way Trump means it". "Trump's declaration that he has succeeded in 'regime change' is just a rhetorical move to try to claim victory where none exists," he added. Proxy Group Support Three days before the war began during his State of the Union address to the US Congress, Trump accused Iran and "its murderous proxies" of spreading "nothing but terrorism and death and hate". The US and Israel have long demanded Iran stop supporting its nonstate allies – primarily Hezbollah in Lebanon, the Houthis in Yemen and a number of groups in Iraq. Tehran to date has refused to enter into any dialogue about limiting its support for these armed groups. But on Friday, Trump claimed Iran had agreed to almost all of the US demands, including support for its proxies. A statement by Iran's Ministry of Foreign Affairs rejected that any such agreement was in place, saying: "The Americans talk excessively and create noise around the situation. Do not be misled!" Prospects for a Breakthrough On Sunday, Iran's top negotiator and speaker of its parliament, Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, acknowledged that while "conclusions" had been reached on some issues, "we are far from a final agreement." Analyst Geist Pinfold told Al Jazeera that deep divisions between the US and Iran make a comprehensive deal unlikely in the near term despite some openings created by Trump's shifting positions. "The primary complication that would mean a deal is less likely but also one of the potential curveballs that would make a deal more likely is the Trump administration's equivocations regarding what its red lines actually are," he said. "At the moment, the gaps look insurmountable," Geist Pinfold added, noting that "the best-case scenario would be the extension of the ceasefire rather than the actual deal." The US-Iran talks face major structural obstacles despite growing speculation about a negotiated end to the current crisis, according to Bowdoin College's Mohandesi. "Donald Trump feels that he needs to somehow convert this disastrous defeat into some sort of win," he noted, adding: "It's unclear what that would look like at the negotiating table." On the Iranian side, Mohandesi sees little room for compromise on the core strategic issues. "Iran will absolutely not abandon its missile programme. It will not stop supporting its allies in the region, and it will almost certainly not agree to zero enrichment," he said. The academic questioned whether even a restoration of maritime traffic would constitute meaningful success for Washington. Even if Trump "were to somehow convince Iran to return the Strait of Hormuz to the pre-war status quo, it's unclear how that would be a major win since the strait was open before he started the war", Mohandesi said.

Ben Roberts-Smith, a 47-year-old former Australian special forces soldier and Victoria Cross recipient, has been granted bail after spending 10 days in prison. He was arrested in Sydney last week and charged with murdering five people in Afghanistan between 2009 and 2012.Roberts-Smith, who was heralded as an Australian war hero and even honoured as the nation’s “father of the year,” denies all charges. The alleged crimes include the murder of unarmed Afghan prisoners by Australian troops. He faces a maximum sentence of life imprisonment if found guilty.The Australian Federal Police (AFP) Commissioner Krissy Barrett stated that “it will be alleged the victims were not taking part in hostilities at the time of their alleged murder in Afghanistan.” The prosecution will also allege that the victims were shot by Roberts-Smith or by subordinates acting on his orders and in his presence.Roberts-Smith's reputation was called into question in 2018 when news reports linked him to the alleged murder of unarmed Afghan prisoners. A judge found in 2023 that many of the journalists’ claims were “substantially true.”Australia deployed 39,000 troops to Afghanistan over two decades as part of US and NATO-led operations against the Taliban and other armed groups.

Burkina Faso’s military government announced on Wednesday the dissolution of 118 non‑governmental organisations and associations, citing compliance with existing legal provisions and imposing an immediate ban on their activities.The move, described by rights advocates as an "attack on basic freedoms", follows a series of repressive actions since the 2022 coup that brought Captain Ibrahim Traoré to power.All of the dissolved entities operate within Burkina Faso, many of them dedicated to defending human rights. The Ministry of Territorial Administration and Mobility, through Minister Emile Zerbo, warned that any non‑compliance with the July 2025 law governing civil‑society groups will attract penalties under current regulations.Amnesty International condemned the decision as a "flagrant attack on the right to freedom of association", noting that it contradicts both the Burkinabe constitution and the country’s international human‑rights obligations. Senior Sahel researcher Ousmane Diallo urged the authorities to rescind the decree immediately, emphasizing that the crackdown is part of a broader strategy that includes abusive legislation, intimidation, arbitrary detention, and prosecution of activists.Earlier this year, the regime forced all national and international NGOs to transfer their bank accounts to a newly created state‑controlled bank, dissolved all political parties after a three‑year suspension, and publicly urged citizens to "forget democracy."Burkina Faso continues to grapple with an insurgency linked to al‑Qaeda and ISIL affiliates; the government frequently accuses internationally funded NGOs of espionage or collusion with these armed groups, further justifying its restrictive measures.

The ongoing conflict in Sudan has led to a complex situation where multiple groups and individuals continue to engage in fighting. Despite efforts to broker peace, various armed groups remain active, pursuing their interests and agendas. The situation in Sudan remains volatile, with multiple factions vying for power and control. The conflict has resulted in significant humanitarian concerns, with many civilians affected by the violence. Understanding the motivations and actions of these groups is crucial to grasping the dynamics of the conflict and potential pathways to peace. The international community continues to monitor the situation closely, seeking ways to support a peaceful resolution.

The United States is pushing for de-escalation in the region, with President Donald Trump announcing that Israeli and Lebanese leaders will speak for the first time in 34 years. This development has raised cautious hopes for a diplomatic solution to the fighting that has continued for more than six weeks.The conflict has resulted in over 2,000 people killed and more than 1 million displaced across Lebanon. Israel's military operations in Lebanon and its invasion of the country's south have intensified, with Hezbollah entering the war by launching rockets, missiles, and drones towards a missile defense site near Haifa in northern Israel.Iran's speaker of parliament, Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, told his Lebanese counterpart, Nabih Berri, in a phone conversation that a ceasefire in Lebanon is vital. Ghalibaf led the Iranian delegation at the first round of US-Iran talks in Pakistan last week, which ended without a deal.The prospective talks between Israel and Lebanon follow a rare direct engagement between the two countries' US ambassadors in Washington on Tuesday – also their first such direct contact in decades. However, with both sides maintaining starkly different objectives, and the Lebanon front closely tied to broader negotiations involving Iran, it remains unclear whether the talks can produce tangible results.Analysts say that even if a phone call were to take place between Israel's Netanyahu and his Lebanese counterpart, it would be “mostly symbolic rather than substantive”. Lebanon wants a ceasefire as a priority to enter into negotiations whose aim would be to liberate lands currently occupied by Israel.A key demand from Iran in its dialogue with the US is that Israel end its offensive against Hezbollah in Lebanon. Hezbollah is Tehran's most powerful regional ally and a central part of the “axis of resistance”, a network of armed groups across the Middle East aligned with Iran against Israel.

The Democratic Republic of the Congo and the M23 rebel coalition commenced a new round of negotiations in Switzerland on Monday, with mediation provided by the United States and Qatar. The talks aim to halt the persistent violence that has continued despite a December peace accord signed in Washington.During the Geneva session, both parties signed an interim peace‑monitoring mechanism, according to Radio France Internationale. The framework creates a joint body tasked with tracking humanitarian and security developments and flagging any ceasefire violations. Representatives from the DRC government, the M23 coalition, and the United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUSCO) will staff the mechanism.Al Jazeera correspondent Alain Uaykani, reporting from Goma, described the situation on the ground as "very fragile," with each side accusing the other of breaching previous truces. He highlighted the town of Minembwe in South Kivu, where thousands of civilians are caught in crossfire between rival armed groups.Local residents hope that mediators will press both sides to honor the newly‑established monitoring body, after a series of failed agreements. The conflict has intensified since early 2025, when the M23 seized large territories, including the provincial capitals Goma and Bukavu.In December, Congolese President Felix Tshisekedi and Rwandan President Paul Kagame signed a "historic" peace and economic agreement in Washington, a move that was widely criticized as overlooking Rwanda's alleged support for the M23 rebels. Separate Qatar‑mediated talks have also taken place, yet clashes resumed almost immediately after the December deal.Human Rights Watch issued a statement on Tuesday condemning both parties for obstructing aid deliveries and preventing civilians from fleeing the highlands of South Kivu. Clementine de Montjoye, senior Great Lakes researcher at the organization, warned that the region faces a "dire humanitarian crisis" and that the conflict remains "vastly under‑reported."The newly‑formed monitoring mechanism, supported by MONUSCO, represents the latest diplomatic effort to stabilize eastern Congo and protect vulnerable populations, even as fighting continues to flare in the highland areas of South Kivu.