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U.S. Vice President JD Vance touched down in Budapest on Tuesday for a two‑day series of bilateral meetings, a move the White House billed as a show of support for Prime Minister Viktor Orban ahead of Hungary’s April 12 parliamentary election. Orban’s Fidesz Party faces its toughest test in more than a decade, with recent polls indicating the opposition enjoys an 8‑12 percentage‑point advantage, and some surveys showing a lead as high as 20 points. Princeton sociologist Kim Lane Scheppele warned that Vance’s visit, while symbolically important, is unlikely to significantly alter the electoral math. “One visit by a relatively low‑profile American vice president is not going to change that,” she said. Nevertheless, the trip underscores the close ties between the Trump administration and Orban. Former President Donald Trump endorsed Orban in February, and Secretary of State Marco Rubio visited Hungary that same month, signaling U.S. backing for the right‑wing leader. Orban’s 16‑year rule has been marked by the erosion of judicial independence and media freedom, reforms that critics argue tilt the electoral system in Fidesz’s favour. Yet the opposition, led by 45‑year‑old former Fidesz insider Peter Magyar of the Tisza Party, is rallying around anti‑corruption and economic grievances. Magyar’s campaign promises a more constructive relationship with the European Union, hoping to restore billions of euros in funding suspended in 2022 over democratic backsliding. He positions himself as centre‑right, sharing many of Orban’s policy stances but rejecting the incumbent’s alleged corruption. “Magyar is centre‑right; he’s basically a believer in much of what Orban has done, minus the corruption,” Scheppele noted, adding that his eurosceptic leanings could still facilitate the return of EU money. The Hungarian‑U.S. connection extends beyond politics to financial incentives. Scheppele highlighted that Trump has hinted—though not formally promised—a fiscal safety net for Orban if he wins, reminiscent of U.S. aid pledges made to right‑wing allies in Argentina’s 2025 elections. “If Vance makes that kind of announcement, it could be a real game‑changer,” she warned, suggesting that a concrete U.S. financial commitment could bolster Orban’s standing in the final days of the campaign. Orban’s appeal to the U.S. far right has been evident since Hungary hosted the Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC) in 2024, where Trump lauded him as a defender of “Western civilisation.” The personal rapport between Orban’s political director and Vance—evident in a 2024 photo captioned ‘A Trump‑Vance administration sounds just right’—further cements this transatlantic alliance. As the election approaches, the key question remains whether symbolic diplomatic support or a tangible financial pledge will prove decisive in a race where domestic issues—corruption, social services, and economic stagnation— dominate voter concerns.

Judith Rapoport, a leading child psychiatrist, passed away at 92, leaving a legacy defined by her groundbreaking work on obsessive‑compulsive disorder (OCD). Her 1989 book, The Boy Who Couldn’t Stop Washing, translated into more than twenty languages, presented complex research in a clear, jargon‑free style that resonated with a broad audience. OCD is characterized by compulsive rituals—re‑tying shoelaces, repeatedly checking switches, or incessant hand‑washing—that can dominate a person’s daily life. Before Rapoport’s book, many sufferers concealed their symptoms out of shame, unaware that they were not alone. Rapoport’s research demonstrated that OCD has a neurological foundation and may affect up to 2% of the population, challenging prevailing beliefs that it stemmed from overly strict parenting. She proved that the disorder can be hereditary and responsive to medication. In a pivotal 1989 double‑blind trial, she showed that the antidepressant clomipramine significantly reduced OCD symptoms, prompting the U.S. Food and Drug Administration to approve its use for the condition—a landmark moment in psychiatric treatment. Patients and colleagues credit her work with reducing stigma. "Reading Rapoport’s book washed away my shame," recalled Charles Gentz, who lives with OCD, while Professor Gabrielle Shapiro of the Icahn School of Medicine noted that the book “reduced the stigma for these people.” Rapoport herself reflected, “If my work alleviated just part of their pain, then it was not wasted time.” Born in New York City to a schoolteacher mother and a businessman father, she grew up with a literary lineage—her grandfather translated Ibsen into Yiddish. She excelled academically, graduating magna cum laude from Swarthmore College in 1955** and earning her medical degree from Harvard Medical School in 1959, where she met her husband, Stanley Rapoport. After early positions at Mount Sinai and the Massachusetts Mental Health Center, she and her husband secured fellowships in Sweden, conducting research at Uppsala University and the Karolinska Institute on women seeking abortions abroad. Returning to the United States, Rapoport joined the National Institute of Mental Health (NIMH) in 1976. There she led the institute’s child psychiatry branch from 1984, steering American psychiatry away from Freudian models toward a **biology‑focused** approach. Beyond OCD, she made significant contributions to the understanding of attention‑deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) and childhood schizophrenia. Her 1978 study revealed that amphetamine improved concentration in both hyperactive and control children, contradicting the notion that stimulants only calm hyperactivity. Using MRI, she showed that childhood schizophrenia is progressive, involving loss of brain matter—a finding that shifted the focus from parenting to neurobiology. Rapoport’s expertise reached mainstream audiences through appearances on shows hosted by Oprah Winfrey and Larry King, further amplifying her message. By the time she retired in 2017, she had authored over 300 scientific papers, several books, and earned prestigious honors, including fellowship in the Institute of Medicine (1991) and the American Academy of Arts and Sciences (2000). Colleague Gabrielle Shapiro described her as “a pioneer who turned child psychiatry into a modern, evidence‑based discipline.” Outside the laboratory, she enjoyed music, theatre, hiking, and gardening. She is survived by her husband, two sons, and four grandsons.

President Donald Trump issued an unprecedented ultimatum on Tuesday, stating that if Iran does not reopen the Strait of Hormuz by 8 p.m. ET, he will "completely annihilate the entirety of Iranian civilization." The threat, posted on his Truth Social platform, was accompanied by language suggesting a total regime change and a benediction to the Iranian people. Democratic officials reacted with alarm. Senator Patty Murray called the post "the rantings of a bloodthirsty lunatic," while Senator Chris Coons labeled it "a threat to commit a war crime." Representative Joaquin Castro warned that the rhetoric implied either a nuclear option or an attempt to convince Tehran of such a possibility, and Rep. Bonnie Watson Coleman urged invoking the 25th Amendment to remove the president from office. Legal scholars highlighted that the United States and Iran are parties to the Fourth Geneva Convention, which bans collective punishment of civilian populations, and to Additional Protocol I, which prohibits attacks on essential civilian infrastructure. Although the U.S. has not ratified the protocol, a 2024 Biden‑era statement affirmed that its core principles are binding as customary international law. During a chaotic White House press conference, Trump reiterated that "the entire country could be taken out in one night" if Iran failed to meet the deadline, and dismissed concerns about civilian casualties by claiming Iranian civilians themselves were urging continued bombing. When pressed about violations of the Geneva Conventions, he did not dispute the legal point but responded, "I hope I don’t have to do it." The Iranian Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps responded that the strait "will never return to its previous state" for the United States and its allies, underscoring the escalating rhetoric on both sides. Amid the diplomatic flare‑up, the administration also submitted a $1.5 trillion Pentagon budget request, featuring sweeping cuts to domestic programs, further intensifying scrutiny of the president’s foreign‑policy priorities. Critics note contradictions in Trump’s stance: weeks earlier he claimed the U.S. had no strategic need for Hormuz, yet now the strait’s reopening is the centerpiece of his ultimatum. He simultaneously declared the war "won" while threatening its most destructive phase. With Democrats urging constitutional remedies and international law experts warning of potential war‑crime violations, the situation places U.S. foreign policy and domestic governance under unprecedented pressure.

The recent Winter Olympics in Milano Cortina showcased the thrilling use of high-speed camera drones, bringing viewers up close to the action. However, this technology has a darker side, as it is also being used in the US military's drone strikes in Iran. The seamless transition from drone-supplied footage of Olympic excellence to drone-supplied footage of war crimes has felt genuinely jarring. The connection between drone racing and drone strikes is not coincidental. Professional drone racing emerged around a decade ago, with the Drone Racing League (DRL) being a prominent competition. The US air force was a longtime sponsor of the DRL, using the competition as a scouting ground to recruit new pilots. The league's emphasis on high-speed, first-person view drones has contributed to the development of technology now used in military contexts. The current conflict in Iran highlights a disturbing trend: the militarization of sports culture. The Trump administration's approach to the war, including the use of Hollywood and gaming imagery in its videos, reflects a broader cultural shift. The US military's actions are being presented as a form of entertainment, with two-minute video montages of "stuff blowing up" being used to brief the president on the war's progress. This phenomenon is not limited to the administration; the language of sports is increasingly being used in discussions of war. Politicians like Marco Rubio and Pete Hegseth are using sports-like terminology to describe military actions, reflecting a degeneration of language in global diplomacy. The Trumpian trash talk has degraded the discourse, with the president's tweets about the war being characterized by their usual boorishness. The article concludes that the culture of sports is central to the chaos unfolding across the Middle East. The blurring of lines between war and sport reflects a deeper societal issue, where the values of competition and entertainment are taking precedence over human life and dignity. As the world teeters on the edge of a military and economic catastrophe, the need for a more nuanced understanding of the relationship between sports, technology, and warfare has never been more pressing.

The Artemis II crew, fresh from a record‑breaking lunar flyby, received an unexpected call from former President Donald Trump on Monday night. Facilitated by NASA administrator and Trump ally Jared Isaacman, the 12‑minute conversation was punctuated by long silences, anecdotes about Canadian hockey legend Wayne Gretzky, and the president’s claim that he had "saved NASA" from closure. Trump’s assertion sparked eyebrows among the astronauts, who had just set a new milestone as the farthest‑traveled humans from Earth. The president recounted a decision he allegedly faced in his first term: whether to revive or shut down the agency. "We’ve spent what we had to do," he said, implying the agency’s survival rested on his judgment. While Trump has publicly championed the Artemis program, his administration has repeatedly pursued deep cuts to NASA’s overall budget. In early 2025, the White House proposed a 24% reduction—bringing the budget down to $18.8 billion, the lowest level in a decade. Experts warned such cuts would constitute "extinction‑level" reductions to critical science programs. Congress, in a rare bipartisan move, rejected the proposed slashing and approved a near‑full budget of $24.4 billion in January. Yet, on 3 April 2026—just two days after Artemis II launched on the first crewed mission beyond low‑Earth orbit in over 50 years—Trump unveiled his FY 2027 budget request, again proposing a steep cut of 23% to NASA’s funding. Democratic leaders denounced the proposal as "morally bankrupt," while Isaacman issued a statement supporting the president’s fiscal stance, urging NASA staff to "leave the politics for the politicians and remain focused on the mission." During the call, Trump praised the crew’s "incredible journey into the stars" and claimed their mission had "inspired the entire world." He reiterated America’s ambition to lead space exploration, promising a permanent lunar base and eventual crewed missions to Mars. The conversation also featured a brief exchange with Canadian astronaut Jeremy Hansen, who highlighted the United States’ "intentional decision" to lead by example and collaborate with allies like Canada. Trump responded by recalling conversations with Gretzky, Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney, and other Canadian friends, emphasizing national pride. After a minute of awkward silence, Isaacman returned for a "comm‑check," and Trump reiterated his stories about Canadian contacts. The Artemis II commander, Reid Wiseman, acknowledged the president’s remarks with a polite, "Yes, Mr. President, we heard that." Trump concluded by extending an invitation to the four astronauts for an Oval Office reception following their scheduled splashdown in the Pacific on Friday. "I’ll ask Jared to bring you over, and I’ll ask for your autograph, because you deserve that," he said, adding he would "find the time" to salute the crew on behalf of the American people. Pilot Victor Glover responded enthusiastically, "When you want us, we will be there," and thanked the president for what he called a "really special" call. He highlighted the mission’s significance, noting it was made possible by both the American and Canadian peoples.

A sharp political row has ignited between the central government in Madrid and the Basque regional authorities over a request to display Picasso’s Guernica at the Guggenheim Museum in Bilbao from 1 October to 30 June, coinciding with the 90th anniversary of the town’s devastating aerial attack.The masterpiece has been housed in Madrid’s Reina Sofía museum since 1992, and previous appeals to relocate it to the Basque Country have been consistently rejected.The latest demand has seen Isabel Díaz Ayuso, the outspoken conservative president of the Community of Madrid, and Aitor Esteban, leader of the Basque nationalist party, exchange barbed remarks, each accusing the other of a “provincial” outlook.Ayuso argued that moving the painting “doesn’t make sense” and quipped that, if origin mattered, “all of Picasso’s works should be sent to Málaga,” the artist’s birthplace. She also warned that the Reina Sofía fears the relocation could damage the delicate canvas.Esteban shot back, suggesting that Ayuso’s notion of national identity was reduced to “drinking beer on a terrace bar,” a jab at her stance on keeping Madrid’s bars open during the pandemic.Basque president Imanol Pradales challenged the Spanish government’s resolve, asking whether it could muster the courage to move Guernica after having “dragged Franco out of his tomb.” He framed the decision as a test of political will.The Basque administration proposes to exhibit the work at the Guggenheim for eight months, framing the display as a tribute to the victims of the 1937 bombing of the town of Guernica.The black‑and‑white canvas captures the horror of the attack carried out by the German Condor Legion and the Italian air force on 26 April 1937, an early example of strategic aerial bombardment of civilians during the Spanish Civil War.Casualty estimates for the raid vary widely—from as few as 126 to as many as 1,654 dead—yet the painting has become an enduring global symbol of the atrocities of war.After its debut at the 1937 Paris International Exposition, Guernica toured Europe and the United States. Picasso, who opposed its return to Spain under Franco’s dictatorship, later allowed it to reside at New York’s Museum of Modern Art (MoMA) for several decades.Art historian Francisco Chaparro cautioned that, while the Spanish government cannot entirely rule out a move, the risk of damage must outweigh any political motivations. He likened the situation to the Mona Lisa’s permanent stay at the Louvre and Velázquez’s *Las Meninas* at the Prado, noting that Guernica has been “rolled and unrolled on numerous occasions.”Artist José Manuel Ballester reminded observers that Picasso himself had envisioned the painting hanging in the Prado, a position he never assumed during the civil war.In 2000, the Reina Sofía rejected a request from MoMA to loan Guernica, declaring that the “great icon of our museum must remain, without exception, separate from the policy on lending works to other museums.”Note: The article was amended on 7 April 2026 to include the German Condor Legion alongside the Italian air force in describing the 1937 bombing.

Israel’s military issued a stark advisory to Iranians early Tuesday, urging them to avoid all train travel across the country from 8:50 am to 9:00 pm Iran time. The warning, posted in Farsi on social media, warned that anyone near railway lines or stations could become a target as Israel prepared to strike infrastructure. The advisory comes just hours before the U.S. President Donald Trump’s ultimatum expires at 8 pm ET on Tuesday (1 am GMT Wednesday). Trump has repeatedly threatened to “take out” Iran’s bridges and power plants in a single night, a claim he reiterated at a White House press briefing on Monday. Iran rejected a cease‑fire proposal brokered by Pakistan, Egypt and Turkey, insisting on a permanent end to the war and presenting a 10‑point counter‑proposal that the U.S. deemed insufficient. Legal experts have warned that indiscriminate bombing of civilian infrastructure could constitute a war crime, a concern dismissed by the Trump administration. On the diplomatic front, Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian posted on X that over 14 million Iranians are prepared to sacrifice their lives for the nation, underscoring the high domestic stakes. U.S. Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth warned that Monday would see the “largest volume of strikes” on Iran, with Tuesday expected to see even more attacks as the deadline approached. According to Iranian media, Israel struck Khorramabad airport in western Iran, while Israeli forces also hit a petrochemical plant in Shiraz and a ballistic‑missile launch site in the northwest. The United States reportedly deployed B‑2 stealth bombers that dropped 30,000‑lb GBU‑57 “bunker buster” bombs on an IRGC compound in Tehran, the same munitions used in the June attack on the Fordow nuclear site. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu told his security cabinet that the war with Hezbollah in Lebanon would continue independently of the U.S.–Iran negotiations, describing a “separation of theatres.” In a related development, a missile strike hit a petrochemical complex in Saudi Arabia’s eastern city of Jubail, forcing an evacuation of workers. Israel reported multiple missile impacts in the Tel Aviv area, claiming Iran launched ballistic missiles equipped with cluster warheads, though no casualties were confirmed. Amid the heightened tension, Brent crude rose marginally to just above $110 a barrel in morning trading, reflecting market anxiety over potential disruptions to Middle‑East oil supplies.

These cases highlight the need for greater scrutiny and accountability in the administration of pension schemes to prevent such errors and ensure that pensioners are not unfairly burdened with debt.

When Elle Middlemas turned 18, she began wondering whether she owned a Child Trust Fund (CTF) – a government‑backed savings account created for children born between 1 September 2002 and 2 January 2011. Her search hit a dead end; she could not confirm if she was entitled to any money and an email to HMRC yielded no response.Middlemas, a Whitby college student, explained that the loss of her mother at age 11 left her with little guidance. “My sister is 21 and spent three years looking for a fund and found nothing, so we assumed we didn’t have one,” she said, expressing the frustration felt by many of her peers.She and her sister are part of an estimated 758,000 people aged 18‑23 who have unclaimed CTFs. Collectively, these dormant accounts hold roughly £1.5 bn, a substantial sum that disproportionately belongs to low‑income families who are often unaware of its existence.Advocates are now pressing the government to automatically release CTFs when holders reach 21 years of age. Experts estimate that such a policy could inject up to £286 m directly into the pockets of young people who need it most.Middlemas finally learned of her entitlement after a conversation with a friend’s parent six months after her birthday. She discovered the Share Foundation, a charity that helps reconnect youths with their funds, and located a NatWest account bearing her name.“I had £700 sitting in my bank and thought, ‘What is going on?’ My sister also had one but never knew how to access it,” she recalled. The sisters plan to use the money to support university expenses and repay debts, underscoring the tangible impact of the scheme.The CTF programme was launched by the Labour government in 2005 to encourage parental savings. Every child received a £250 government contribution, with an additional £250 for those from low‑income families or in local authority care. Parents could add up to £9,000 per year, and any investment gains accrued until the child turned 18.If a parent failed to open an account within 12 months of birth, HMRC would create one on the child’s behalf. Today, the average value of a CTF stands at about £2,200.More than two‑thirds of the six million original recipients are now over 18 and eligible to claim their funds, with HMRC‑allocated accounts representing 28 % of all CTFs.Geographically, the North‑East of England has the highest concentration of HMRC‑allocated accounts, totalling £48 m. Across the UK, youths from the most disadvantaged 15 % of families hold accounts averaging £2,900 in value.Gavin Oldham, chief executive of the Share Foundation, warned that the scheme is hampered by poor communication, limited financial education, and “policy neglect”. He indicated the charity is considering a judicial review to compel the government to release the unclaimed assets.Oldham noted that the charity has already linked “well over 100,000 accounts to young adults”, yet the “sheer quantum of these unclaimed accounts remains a major problem”.“It is strange to find a government which expresses concern over youth poverty while doing so little to deliver on a groundbreaking scheme,” Oldham added.The charity’s proposal to release HMRC‑allocated funds automatically at 21 would free roughly £500 m, including £350 mOldham cautioned that a legal challenge, while potentially successful, could delay payouts for years, leaving vulnerable youths “denied their birthright for far too long”.Beyond immediate release, the Share Foundation is urging the creation of a new, targeted scheme for low‑income youths that embeds a financial‑awareness component, allowing participants to top up their funds through education‑linked incentives.Labour MP Laura Kyrke‑Smith echoed these concerns, describing the CTF system as “confusing and opaque” and calling for proactive tracing of account holders and clearer public information.HMRC responded that it is “directly sending every eligible young person information to help them find their child trust fund”, while also raising awareness via social media, broadcast interviews, and an online tracing tool. The agency added that banks, building societies, and investment firms managing the funds share responsibility for communicating with account holders.