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Evergrande's billionaire boss, Hui Ka Yan, has pleaded guilty to fraud charges after the collapse of the world's most indebted property developer. Hui, a former steelworker who rose to become one of China's richest people, pleaded guilty to charges including fundraising fraud, misuse of funds, and illegally taking public deposits.The property group has defaulted on most of its $300bn liabilities since 2021, emblematic of China's property sector woes that have long dragged on economic growth. Evergrande's failure to repay billions of dollars of wealth management products unleashed frustration among the lower and middle classes, many of whom had investments wiped out, provoking protests and threatening social stability.Hui and the company also face charges of illegally extending loans, fraudulently issuing securities, and bribery by units, with verdicts to be handed down later. The maximum penalties for illegal fundraising include jail for life and confiscation of property, while bribery can also bring life terms.In 2024, China's securities regulator fined Hui $6.6m and barred him from the securities market for life, after finding Evergrande's leading business had inflated earnings and committed securities fraud. Hui's net worth was estimated at $45.3bn in 2017, but dropped to $3bn by 2023.

A shocking case of mistaken identity has come to light involving British Gas, a leading UK energy supplier. A homeowner, IW from Northampton, received a £571 bill for a flat they had never occupied or owned. The error occurred because British Gas's tracing agents mistakenly linked IW's address to that of a debtor.IW reported that British Gas opened an account in their name for the incorrect address and sent the hefty bill. When IW disputed the charge, British Gas declined to investigate further, citing a lack of proof that they did not live at the address in question. The company requested a tenancy agreement or mortgage statement, which IW could not provide as they had long since paid off their mortgage.The situation escalated when British Gas threatened IW with a debt collection agency. Despite IW providing bank statements as evidence of their innocence, British Gas ignored this documentation and did not question the competence of the tracing agent used to locate debtors.It was only after IW got involved and contacted The Guardian that British Gas belatedly apologized and removed IW from its records. This incident highlights significant flaws in British Gas's processes for handling customer complaints and verifying identities.The case serves as a cautionary tale for consumers to vigorously dispute incorrect charges and to be aware of their rights when dealing with energy suppliers and debt collectors.

The White House Council of Economic Advisers released an analysis estimating that the United States faces a shortage of roughly 10 million homes. The report argues that easing regulatory burdens could unlock a construction surge, stabilise home prices, expand home‑ownership and accelerate overall economic growth. President Donald Trump signed two executive orders in March directing federal agencies to reduce housing‑regulation costs and to facilitate mortgage lending by smaller banks. Yet, critics note that the administration has been slow to prioritize high housing costs amid falling approval ratings tied to tariffs, the US‑Israel conflict with Iran, and unmet inflation‑reduction promises. Mortgage rates have risen from just under 6 % to 6.37 % for a 30‑year loan, further inflating the cost of home purchase. Trump has publicly defended higher home prices to protect existing owners, stating, “I don’t want to drive housing prices down… I want to drive housing prices up for people that own their homes.” The housing chapter of the annual Economic Report of the President, obtained by the Associated Press, outlines a blueprint showing how increased homebuilding could benefit the middle class and the broader economy, providing a potential political narrative for the president. According to the report, if homebuilding had continued at its pre‑2008 pace, the nation would have **10 million more houses** today. The 2008 crisis, driven by risky lending and a housing bubble, still casts a long shadow. Home prices have surged **82 % since 2000**, while median incomes have risen only **12 %**, a disparity previously softened by historically low mortgage rates. The post‑COVID inflation spike and higher rates have made affordability a top concern for voters under 40. Regulatory costs—dubbed the “bureaucrat tax”—are estimated to add **over $100,000 per new home** through updated building codes, compliance fees and zoning approvals. The report projects that trimming these costs could enable the construction of **up to 13.2 million homes**, potentially delivering an **average 1.3 percentage‑point boost to annual GDP** over the next decade and supporting **two million manufacturing and construction jobs**. One administration official, speaking on condition of anonymity, suggested that federal funding to states could be tied to regulatory reductions, creating a financial incentive for local governments. The analysis also criticises the green‑energy housing standards introduced under former President Joe Biden, which mandate more efficient HVAC systems and water‑heater requirements. Citing a 2021 National Association of Home Builders study, the report claims these standards could add **up to $31,000** to a new home’s price, with a **payback period of up to 90 years** for homeowners via lower utility bills. While rolling back such standards might lower upfront costs, the report acknowledges potential long‑term utility‑bill increases for owners. Legal challenges further complicate the picture: a Texas federal judge recently sided with 15 Republican‑led states, deeming the Biden‑era standards for federally backed housing **unlawful**. Overall, the White House’s proposal positions regulatory reform as a lever to address the housing deficit, stimulate economic growth, and generate jobs, while navigating the political and environmental trade‑offs inherent in the debate.

Peter Magyar, leader of the Tisza party, secured a landslide victory in Hungary’s parliamentary elections, obtaining a clear mandate to restore the country’s ties with the European Union and revive a stagnant economy. For more than 16 years, Viktor Orban’s government clashed with Brussels, rejecting sanctions on Russia, opposing aid to Ukraine and consequently losing access to European financing. The new administration is expected to reverse that trajectory. Magyar has pledged to unlock over €16 billion in EU funds allocated after the COVID‑19 pandemic, but he must enact reforms on the judiciary, rule of law and anti‑corruption measures before an August deadline to meet EU criteria. Economic stagnation has been severe: Hungary recorded near‑zero growth for three consecutive years and posted the highest inflation rate in the EU in 2023. Voters cited the cost of living as a primary concern, which Magyar addressed by promising a “kick‑start” of the economy. On foreign policy, Magyar is likely to adopt a more collaborative stance toward Ukraine. While he previously opposed Kyiv’s accelerated EU accession and military support, analysts expect him to lift the veto on a €90 billion loan to Ukraine that Orban blocked in February, creating a “money‑for‑Ukraine, money‑for‑Hungary” trade‑off. Nevertheless, Magyar will retain a pragmatic approach to energy security. He affirmed that Russian fuel imports will continue as a safeguard against global shortages, even as he seeks to distance Hungary politically from Moscow. Migration policy is set to soften rhetorically. The Tisza party plans to tone down Orban’s aggressive anti‑refugee messaging while maintaining a hard line on border protection, including keeping the controversial fence and opposing EU relocation quotas. This shift aims to eliminate a €200 million fine imposed for breaching asylum‑seeker rights. Experts caution that Magyar’s rise does not guarantee unanimity within the EU on contentious issues such as Ukraine’s accession or sanctions on Russia. Former Orban allies who shared his hard‑line positions may now be compelled to articulate their own stances. Overall, Magyar’s victory marks a potential turning point for Hungary, offering a pathway back into the EU’s decision‑making core and a chance to address long‑standing economic and diplomatic challenges.

Match details: Atletico Madrid will meet Barcelona on Tuesday at 21:00 CET (19:00 GMT) in the Metropolitano Stadium for the Champions League quarter‑final second leg. The fixture decides which side advances to the semi‑finals. After a 2‑0 first‑leg triumph at Camp Nou, Atletico enter the tie as favourites despite trailing Barcelona in the La Liga table. Their advantage stems from goals by Julian Alvarez and Alexander Sörloth, who capitalised on a red card for Barcelona defender Pau Cubarsi. Barcelona, the reigning Spanish champions, are desperate to overturn the deficit. They bolstered their domestic campaign with a 4‑1 win over Espanyol, extending their lead over Real Madrid to nine points. Ferran Torres netted a brace, assisted by teenage prodigy Lamine Yamal, while Marcus Rashford added the fourth. Atletico’s weekend league performance was less convincing, suffering a 2‑1 loss to Sevilla after heavy rotation by Diego Simeone. The loss left them fourth in La Liga with 57 points, four behind Villarreal. Historical context: The two clubs have met 251 times, with Barcelona winning 115 matches, Atletico 79 and 57 draws. Their recent knockout encounters include Atletico’s victories in the 2014 and 2016 quarter‑finals, both decided over two legs. Team news: Atletico will miss Marc Pubill (suspension) and have Jose Giménez, Pablo Barrios and David Hancko listed as doubtful. Barcelona’s defender Pau Cubarsi is suspended, replaced by Ronald Araujo. Injuries rule out Marc Bernal, Raphinha and Andreas Christensen. Predicted line‑ups: Atletico – Musso; Molina, Le Normand, Lenglet, Ruggeri; Llorente, Koke; Simeone, Griezmann, Lookman; Alvarez.Barcelona – Joan Garcia; Koundé, Araujo, Martín, Cancelo; Eric Garcia, Pedri; Yamal, Fermin, Rashford; Lewandowski. Managerial insights: Simeone stressed the need to stay focused on the objective of advancing, while Barcelona coach Hansi Flick highlighted the quality of his squad and the importance of collective effort. With a slim margin separating the sides, the second leg promises a tactical battle that could see either club secure a coveted place in the Champions League semi‑finals.

Islamabad transformed into a security zone on Saturday as the city imposed a lockdown, sealing roads, establishing checkpoints, and deploying over 10,000 security personnel ahead of the anticipated US‑Iran ceasefire talks. The Iranian delegation arrived quietly late on Friday night, traveling through Balochistan before a Pakistani Air Force aircraft switched off its call sign. By the next afternoon, the American team touched down at Nur Khan Air Base, a site India once claimed was damaged during last year’s brief conflict. On the tarmac, three distinctive tail fins—one American, two Iranian—caught the eye, a subtle reminder of the region’s reliance on symbolism. Both delegations were escorted along pre‑cleared routes to the Serena Hotel, which had been emptied and secured days earlier, turning the former luxury venue into a tightly controlled diplomatic arena. This marked the first direct, high‑level engagement between post‑revolution Iran and the United States on foreign soil. Clashing worldviews in the negotiation room Inside, the talks juxtaposed an American “peace through strength” stance with Iran’s “resistance with dignity” perspective. Pakistani Prime Minister Shahbaz Sharif warned the night before that the meeting was a make‑or‑break moment for lasting peace. Iran’s chief negotiator, Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, set pre‑conditions: any dialogue required progress on a Lebanon ceasefire—where Israel’s campaign has killed over 2,000 people—and the unfreezing of Iranian assets held abroad, which have crippled Tehran’s economy. Within hours of arrival, bilateral side‑talks began, offering a tentative thaw for Pakistani officials facilitating the process. Although previous rounds in Muscat, Vienna, Geneva and Abu Dhabi suffered from deep mistrust, this was the first occasion that the United States’ vice‑president JD Vance and Iran’s parliamentary speaker Ghalibaf faced each other face‑to‑face. Pakistan’s strategic mediating role Pakistan leveraged its unique position—close ties to Gulf states, a shared border with Iran, proximity to the Strait of Hormuz, and a strategic partnership with China—while not hosting US military bases. This allowed Islamabad to engage all parties without overt alignment. The marathon 21‑hour session Officials described the talks as continuous yet uneven. The first session lasted under two hours, followed by a brief procedural pause during which dinner was served but informal discussions continued. Subsequent rounds involved multiple draft exchanges and rapid redrawing of red lines, with constant communication to Washington—including President Donald Trump—and Tehran. Pakistani leaders, including Prime Minister Sharif, Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar, and Army Chief Asim Munir, worked around the clock, aiming not for a final pact but for a framework to prevent further escalation. Why the talks stalled As the session entered its final phase, the United States signaled an abrupt end. JD Vance summed up the outcome: “We had substantive discussions, but no agreement.” He emphasized the US demand for an affirmative, long‑term commitment from Iran not to pursue nuclear weapons, describing Washington’s proposal as its “final and best offer.” Iran’s ambassador in Islamabad framed the meeting as “not an event, but a process,” claiming it laid groundwork for future dialogue, while state‑affiliated outlets criticized the US stance as overly demanding. A senior Iranian foreign‑ministry spokesperson noted that, for Tehran, diplomacy is a continuation of its broader struggle, and any progress hinges on the other side’s “seriousness and good faith.” Pakistan’s cautious post‑talk posture Finance Minister Dar thanked both sides and pledged continued facilitation, avoiding any claim of victory or admission of failure. Behind the scenes, officials acknowledged pressure from multiple fronts—including Israel, whose prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu is perceived by some sources as a major obstacle to peace. Aftermath in Islamabad The city did not immediately revert to normal; security checkpoints and traffic diversions persisted, and the Serena Hotel remained under tight control. Journalists reported a disciplined environment with limited leaks, suggesting a deliberate effort to contain information. As the delegations departed, the door on diplomatic engagement remained open, albeit without a concrete agreement. The talks, though inconclusive, demonstrated that high‑level US‑Iran dialogue is possible under Pakistan’s mediation, preserving a channel that could prove pivotal in future regional negotiations.

The United Kingdom's decision to ban Israelis from attending the Royal College of Defence Studies (RCDS) over Israel's actions in Gaza has sparked concern within the college about its reputation. The Ministry of Defence (MOD) announced the ban in September after Israel planned a major ground assault on Gaza City.The British government made the decision amid widespread condemnation of Israel's escalation of the war. Previously unreported correspondence shows that the move prompted discussion within the RCDS about potential harm to its reputation as an institution that welcomes students of all backgrounds.RCDS commandant George Norton asked a senior military official, Tom Copinger-Symes, for help in shaping the public narrative while a government minister was preparing to answer a question about the ban in the UK's upper house of parliament. Norton sought to ensure that the public understood the college played no role in the decision.In an email, Norton told Copinger-Symes that it would be important for the government minister to highlight that the college does not invite or select participants in its courses, and that invitations were a government-to-government matter. He emphasized that the college's reputation as a welcoming institution could be harmed by the perception that it was deciding which countries to invite or not.The emails, obtained by Al Jazeera via a Freedom of Information request, reveal the college's efforts to distance itself from the government's decision. The MOD spokesperson stated that decisions about military education and training are made on a case-by-case basis and following robust assessment of benefits and risks.The UK-Israel relationship has been strained due to Israel's actions in Gaza, where over 72,000 Palestinians have been killed since Israel launched its military operation. The RCDS did not respond to a request for comment.

Peter Magyar, once a staunch supporter of Prime Minister Viktor Orban, has shattered the latter’s 16‑year grip on power after his Tisza Party won a landslide victory in Sunday’s parliamentary election. With 97.35% of precincts counted, the centre‑right Tisza Party secured 138 of the 199 parliamentary seats and 53.6% of the popular vote. By contrast, Orban’s Christian‑nationalist Fidesz obtained 55 seats with 37.8% of the vote, according to official tallies. Addressing a crowd of tens of thousands along the Danube in Budapest, the 45‑year‑old victor declared, “Tonight, truth prevailed over lies,” adding that Hungarians had chosen to ask what they could do for their homeland rather than the reverse. Who is Peter Magyar? Born in Budapest in March 1981 to a family of lawyers, he is the great‑nephew of former President Ferenc Madl (2000‑2005). After earning a law degree from Pázmány Péter Catholic University in 2004, Magyar began a career in corporate law and joined Orban’s Fidesz while the party was still in opposition. He later served as a legal aide to Fidesz during the 2006 anti‑government protests, married future justice minister Judit Varga (they have three children), and held several senior posts after Fidesz returned to power in 2010, including a stint at Hungary’s Permanent Representation to the EU in Brussels and a board seat at state‑owned road operator Magyar Közút ZRT. Why did he break with Orban? A 2024 scandal involving a presidential pardon for a man linked to a children’s‑home abuse cover‑up implicated Varga, then justice minister, prompting public outrage and Novak’s resignation. Magyar seized the moment, publishing a Facebook post accusing the government of corruption and releasing a recording of a conversation with his ex‑wife that suggested interference in a corruption case. Policy analyst Gábor Győri of Policy Solutions described Magyar’s departure as a “gradual estrangement” that accelerated after Varga’s fall from power. The exposure boosted Magyar’s domestic popularity, positioning him as a fresh opposition figure amid widespread voter fatigue with Fidesz. In April 2024, Magyar joined the centre‑right Tisza Party, won a seat in the European Parliament, and now stands poised to become Hungary’s next prime minister. Political analyst Zsuzsanna Vegh (German Marshall Fund) noted that Magyar’s win “dispels the myth that Orban cannot be defeated,” emphasizing his ability to unite a diverse electorate through a moderate, policy‑focused campaign rather than a radical right‑wing challenge. Scandals surrounding Magyar have also surfaced. His former wife Varga accused him of domestic violence and of using a secret recording for political gain. Earlier in 2026, Magyar faced allegations of a sex‑related scandal and drug use after compromising photos emerged; he denied drug use, describing the episode as a “honey‑trap” orchestrated by a “classic Russia‑style compromising situation.” He further claimed that Fidesz targeted him personally to undermine his campaign. On policy, Magyar pledges to revive Hungary’s stagnant economy, reduce dependence on Russian energy by 2035, and restore pragmatic relations with both the EU and Moscow. He aims to unlock EU funds frozen over alleged rule‑of‑law breaches and has previously expressed caution about accelerating Ukraine’s EU accession. Observers caution that while Magyar’s election fuels hope among young Hungarians, the real test will be translating opposition momentum into effective governance. As Izabella Nagy, a Budapest professional, observes, “Rebuilding a democracy is far more gruelling than dismantling one,” underscoring the challenges ahead for the new administration.

The United States military confirmed that, beginning at 10 a.m. Eastern Time (14:00 GMT) on April 13, all maritime traffic entering or leaving Iranian ports will be blocked. The directive, issued by U.S. Central Command (CENTCOM), targets vessels of every nation operating in the Gulf and the Gulf of Oman, but explicitly excludes ships merely transiting the Strait of Hormuz to non‑Iranian ports, marking a narrower scope than former President Donald Trump’s broader strait‑wide threat. This decisive action follows the abrupt end of marathon peace talks in Islamabad, where negotiators failed to secure a memorandum of understanding with Tehran. The stalemate has revived fears of renewed hostilities, prompting the U.S. to leverage maritime pressure as a bargaining chip. Financial markets reacted sharply: U.S. crude oil prices surged 8 % to $104.24 per barrel, while the benchmark Brent crude rose 7 % to $102.29. The spikes reflect investor anxiety over potential disruptions to the flow of oil and liquefied natural gas that currently passes through the Strait of Hormuz, a chokepoint responsible for roughly one‑fifth of global energy shipments. Since the February 28 launch of a joint U.S.–Israel operation against Iran, the strait’s traffic has dwindled to a trickle. Iran continues to navigate its own vessels and has allowed limited passage for foreign ships, while discussing a post‑conflict toll system for the waterway. In response to the blockade threat, Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps warned that any U.S. warship attempting to enforce the measure would breach the existing U.S.–Iran ceasefire—set to expire on April 22—and would be "dealt with severely." Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi blamed the United States for the diplomatic failure, accusing U.S. negotiators of "shifting the goalposts" when a deal was "just inches away." Academic commentary echoed regional concerns. Zohreh Kharazmi, an associate professor at the University of Tehran, asserted that the United States "is not in a position to dictate" Iranian maritime movements and warned that a prolonged standoff would quickly reveal which side—"the resilience of the Islamic Republic or the resilience of global markets"—would suffer first. While the blockade targets Iranian ports, CENTCOM emphasized that it will not impede freedom of navigation for vessels merely passing through the Strait of Hormuz, a subtle but significant concession aimed at avoiding a full‑scale maritime confrontation.