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Donald Trump has sparked a new low in UK-US relations by mocking Prime Minister Keir Starmer, claiming the UK leader is weak and indecisive. During an Easter lunch speech at the White House, Trump impersonated Starmer, saying the prime minister told him he needed to consult his team before deciding whether to send UK aircraft carriers to the Middle East.Trump stated, 'I asked [the] UK, who should be our best. In fact the king is coming over here in two weeks, he’s a nice guy, King Charles. But should be our best but they weren’t our best. I said: ‘You have two, old broken-down aircraft carriers, do you think you could send them over?’' He then mimicked Starmer, saying, '“Ohhh, I’ll have to ask my team.”' Trump added, '“I said: ‘You’re the prime minister, you don’t have to.’”The US president also mocked Emmanuel Macron, saying the French president was “still recovering from the right to the jaw” and claimed that Macron’s wife, Brigitte, “treats him extremely badly”. These remarks were made at a lunch that was not open to the press but were released by the White House on a social media channel and later deleted.However, Whitehall sources disputed Trump’s claims, stating that he had never asked the UK for the vessels and Britain had not offered them. Despite the controversy, Starmer has remained firm in his stance on the war, saying he would stick to his position “whatever the pressure and the noise”. When asked about Trump’s comments, Starmer emphasized his focus on the British national interest and his determination not to be swayed by external pressure.

The unexpected return of two William Hartnell episodes to the BBC archive has sent shockwaves of excitement through the Whovian community. For the first time since 1965, fans can now enjoy the first quarter of the 12-part adventure 'The Daleks' Master Plan.'The surviving five episodes are now on iPlayer, and the first three make for a stirring introduction to the adventure, with large impressive sets for the Earth control centre and the Dalek ship, contrasting with the dense forbidding foliage of the planet Kembel. Frequent tight closeup shots from director Douglas Camfield on the faces of the cast add to a claustrophobic feel in the jungle sequences.At the time, Hartnell was not to know that within a year he would be 'renewed' as the lead of the show by Patrick Troughton. Hartnell's health problems, reputation for being difficult on set and frequent flubbing of lines during a production schedule that allowed little leeway for second takes has tainted his tenure in the role.Here, especially in the opener, we get to see him in some of his strongest moments as the Doctor. With Stephen (Peter Purves) incapacitated by the poison he picked up in Troy, and Katarina (Adrienne Hill) little more than a hollow vessel of a character, Hartnell has much more to do than usual. The actor gets to show the gleeful side of his nature as he delights at his own invention of the magnetic chair and his ingenuity at repelling – at least initially – boarders to the spaceship.Rediscovering episode one also means we can enjoy beloved children's television presenter Brian Cant flexing his acting chops in something other than Playschool, and all three episodes prominently feature Nicholas Courtney, who would go on to play Brigadier Lethbridge-Stewart for 40 years, as Bret Vyon. A highlight is the Addams family-esque kookiness of the aliens making up the Dalek council, which is certainly preferable to the somewhat cliched prison planet savages set-up of part three.The biggest mystery, of course, is how these episodes have ended up surviving. Film is Fabulous, the people who secured them, have said they are respecting the wishes of the estate of the person who was holding and keeping them anonymous. Perhaps the most intriguing thing is that, given it was never sold overseas, the missing episodes of the Daleks' Master Plan were among the least likely to ever be found, but two episodes were sitting in those film cans all along. Who knows what else might still be out there?

Alana King’s leg‑spin dismantled the West Indies in St Kitts, delivering a decisive 5 for 19 from 10 overs and guiding Australia to a commanding nine‑wicket win.The hosts were bowled out for just 136 runs in the third and final ODI, ending a bright start with a collapse that left them 78 for five. King’s spell, her second‑best ODI figures after a 7 for 18 at last year’s World Cup, was pivotal in restricting the Caribbean side.Australia chased the modest target in under 20 overs, thanks to an explosive innings from opener Phoebe Litchfield (68* off 56 balls) and a steady contribution by veteran Ellyse Perry (33* not out). The pair steered the tourists home with ease, sealing a 3‑0 series sweep.Speaking after the match, King highlighted the team’s discipline: “We were very clinical, we nailed our lengths, and we really owned that.” She praised the collective effort of the bowling unit for holding a “very destructive” West Indian side to just about 140 runs.West Indies won the toss and elected to bat, with opener Deandra Dottin (22) and captain Hayley Matthews (34) putting on a 38‑run opening partnership. However, King struck early, catching Matthews off a sliced drive, and soon after, Jannillea Glasgow fell for a duck, leaving the visitors reeling at 78 for five.Middle‑order contributions from Chinelle Henry (40* not out) and Realeanna Grimmond (20) added some resistance, but King completed her third ODI five‑wicket haul, dismissing Afy Fletcher and Karishma Ramharack, while off‑spinner Ash Gardner chipped in with 2 for 29.Australia’s chase was swift; after reaching the target inside nine overs, the result was never in doubt. Perry accelerated the scoring alongside Litchfield, ensuring the tourists cruised to a sixth consecutive white‑ball win on the tour.With the ODI series wrapped up, Australia now turn their focus to the upcoming 2026 T20 World Cup in England, scheduling three preparatory T20s against South Africa before the tournament.

The United States has reaffirmed that it is still prepared to engage Tehran in diplomatic talks, despite the ongoing US‑Israel war against Iran and President Donald Trump’s renewed threats to target the country’s civilian infrastructure. State Department spokesperson Tommy Pigott told Al Jazeera that President Trump had pursued negotiations with Iran before the conflict erupted, but accused the Iranian regime of persisting in its quest for a nuclear weapon. "The president is always open to diplomacy, but he’s also clear that we will see our objectives fulfilled here," Pigott said, underscoring the administration’s dual track of diplomatic engagement and military pressure. In a primetime address aired on Wednesday, Trump echoed his earlier claims that the United States is winning the war, yet offered no concrete roadmap for ending the hostilities or reopening the Strait of Hormuz – a chokepoint whose closure by Tehran has driven global energy prices higher. The conflict began on February 28, shortly after a round of Geneva talks that Omani mediators and Iranian officials described as “positive.” Last year, Israel struck Iran’s three primary nuclear facilities in an operation the White House dubbed “Midnight Hammer.” Iran continues to deny any intention to develop a nuclear weapon, while Israel is widely believed to possess an undeclared nuclear arsenal. Former intelligence chief Tulsi Gabbard testified to Congress that Iran was not rebuilding enrichment capacity before the June 2025 attacks, and later reiterated that there have been no efforts to restore its nuclear program since the strikes. Nevertheless, Tehran insists on the right to enrich uranium domestically and has ruled out negotiations over its missile program and support for groups such as Hezbollah and Hamas. Pigott emphasized that the United States is maintaining high‑level diplomatic contacts across the region, stating, "We see diplomatic engagement at the highest levels of this administration, with our partners in the region, to pursue our interests and explore what can happen here." The spokesperson also accused Iran of targeting civilians and civilian infrastructure, describing the threat of a nuclear‑armed Tehran as "intolerable." In response, Iran has launched missile and drone attacks against U.S. and Israeli assets, as well as energy facilities, hotels, and airports throughout the Middle East. Trump later posted footage of a U.S. strike on a major Iranian bridge, warning that similar attacks could follow. He wrote on social media, "IT IS TIME FOR IRAN TO MAKE A DEAL BEFORE IT IS TOO LATE, and there is nothing left of what could become a great country." In the same speech, he threatened to destroy Iran’s power plants and, earlier in the week, suggested the United States could also target water desalination stations – actions that legal experts say would constitute collective punishment under international law. Barbara Slavin, a distinguished fellow at the Stimson Center, told Al Jazeera that Trump appears to be "scrambling" to intensify the war in hopes of forcing a resolution before the conflict turns into a definitive failure.

The 12‑member National Capital Planning Commission, the agency that reviews construction on federal sites in Washington, D.C., voted on Thursday to approve President Donald Trump’s proposal for a massive ballroom at the White House. The project envisions a 90,000‑square‑foot (8,400‑square‑metre) space on the site of the East Wing, which Trump ordered demolished in October. Commission chair Will Scharf, a former personal lawyer to the president, said the ballroom could eventually be regarded as a "national treasure" comparable to other iconic White House components. However, the approval comes at a time when a U.S. District Judge has blocked further work pending explicit congressional authorization. Judge Richard Leon warned that while the president is the steward of the White House for future First Families, he is not its owner, emphasizing that major construction projects require legislative consent. Trump responded on social media, insisting the ballroom is funded by private donations and that past White House projects never needed congressional approval. Financially, the ballroom’s estimated cost has ballooned to roughly $400 million, double the $200 million figure cited by the White House in July 2025. Trump has pledged to complete the venue before the end of his term in early 2029, relying on contributions from wealthy donors—a point critics argue could create undue influence over the administration. Public sentiment appears overwhelmingly negative. Democracy advocate Jon Golinger of Public Citizen remarked, "The American people have weighed in on this project, and they hate it." The commission’s vote was delayed from March after a surge of public comments, the majority of which opposed the construction. Despite the commission’s endorsement, the ballroom’s future remains uncertain. The judge’s ruling underscores that without a congressional green light, the project cannot legally move forward, setting the stage for a continued clash between the White House, lawmakers, and the public over the use of the nation’s most symbolic residence.

Europe’s attention is fixed on Hungary’s parliamentary election scheduled for April 12, a contest many analysts view as a litmus test for the bloc’s cohesion on foreign‑policy, defence, energy and migration. Since coming to power, Prime Minister Viktor Orban has consistently blocked EU initiatives: he has refused to join a common asylum framework, opposed a joint defence scheme, resisted the shift toward renewable‑energy independence while still importing Russian hydrocarbons, and vetoed both Ukraine’s accession talks and a proposed €90 billion low‑interest loan package for Kyiv. These actions have made Hungary the most disruptive member state in the Union, prompting observers to argue that the election’s outcome will reverberate far beyond Budapest’s borders. Greek conservative MP Angelos Syrigos warned that the EU is plagued by “fanatically Trump‑like and pro‑Russian” governments, naming Hungary and Slovakia as examples. He told Al Jazeera that the constant threat of an Orban veto forces other capitals to seek ad‑hoc compromises rather than genuine consensus. Opposition leader Peter Magyar of the Tisza party is campaigning on a pro‑European platform, pledging a binding referendum on Ukraine’s membership, a crackdown on corruption, the release of billions in frozen EU funds, and a reversal of Hungary’s withdrawal from the International Criminal Court. Current polls give Tisza roughly 50 % of the vote, a ten‑point lead over the ruling Fidesz, though the political landscape remains fluid. Even a Magyar victory would not automatically resolve the EU’s structural challenges. Other illiberal leaders—such as Slovakia’s Robert Fico and the Czech Republic’s Andrej Babiš—could step into a vacuum of obstructionism. Nevertheless, some scholars argue that Orban’s habit of breaking consensus has forced the Union to become more pragmatic. At a December 2023 summit, EU leaders temporarily excluded Orban to secure unanimous approval of Ukraine’s candidate status, later offering Hungary a €10 billion release of blocked funds as an incentive. Professor Katalin Miklossy of the University of Helsinki explained that the EU has shifted from a rigid, rule‑bound approach to a more flexible, problem‑solving mindset, saying, “We were weak when we clung to the book; now we act more practically.” Should Orban remain in power, the bloc is considering a workaround: issuing 26 bilateral loans to Ukraine from member states, bypassing any single‑country veto. Historical precedent exists. In 2010, when Greece’s debt crisis threatened the euro, EU members created the Greek Loan Facility—an ad‑hoc series of bilateral loans that compensated for the lack of a common rescue fund. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy has warned that delays in funding could leave the Ukrainian army under‑resourced, underscoring the geopolitical stakes of the Hungarian vote. The EU’s inability to move from unanimity to qualified‑majority voting—an ambition thwarted by failed French and Dutch referenda in 2005—has amplified Orban’s leverage. Yet the Union continues to evolve, having launched a common bond in 2020 to revive the pandemic‑hit economy and, since Russia’s 2022 invasion, channeling resources into a nascent European defence union. Orban’s recent reversal on the €90 billion Ukraine loan—after Kyiv refused to repair the Druzhba pipeline damaged by a Russian bomb—illustrates the volatility of his stance. He initially agreed to the loan in December, on the condition that Hungary, Slovakia and the Czech Republic would not be required to co‑sign, only to withdraw support a month later. Even if Magyar secures a parliamentary majority, the promised loan may not materialise immediately. Cambridge‑based expert Victoria Vdovychenko notes that a decision made in December 2025 to disburse funds from January 2026 has already stalled, with the next realistic window possibly in June. Academics stress that a Tisza victory would deliver a psychological boost to the EU and its trans‑Atlantic partners, injecting confidence into a system battling “stealth creep of illiberalism” and economic disenfranchisement. Professor SM Amadae of Cambridge’s Centre for the Study of Existential Risk warned that while a change in Hungary could energise citizens, the entrenched gerrymandering and patronage networks of Fidesz present formidable obstacles to lasting reform. In sum, the April 12 election is more than a domestic contest; it is a pivotal moment that could reshape the EU’s decision‑making architecture, determine the flow of critical aid to Ukraine, and signal the future trajectory of populist politics across Europe.

For the first time, the Joseph Rowntree Charitable Trust (JRCT) is creating a dedicated reparations role, appointing Prof. Keon West—a Rhodes Scholar and author of The Science of Racism—to lead the effort. West, who also serves as a visiting professor at the London School of Economics and heads research at the Runnymede Trust, will begin his tenure later this month. The appointment arrives amid intensifying global calls for former colonial powers to confront historic injustices. West’s mandate is to map how enslavement, indentured labour and European imperialism fed the supply chains of Rowntree’s iconic brands such as KitKat, Fruit Pastilles and Smarties. Founded in 1904 when philanthropist Joseph Rowntree endowed the trust with profits from his chocolate and cocoa ventures, JRCT operates on Quaker principles aimed at tackling the roots of inequality. Recent research, spurred by the Black Lives Matter movement, uncovered that African and Asian workers were exploited in Rowntree’s production lines throughout the 19th and 20th centuries. Historical investigations by the Rowntree Society revealed that, while the family never directly owned enslaved people, their businesses sold commodities produced by enslaved or unfree labour as far back as 1822. The company also benefitted from the indenture system, acquiring plantations in Dominica, Jamaica and Trinidad in the 1890s to grow cocoa, bananas and other crops. Further links to colonial exploitation include purchases of cocoa from Portuguese‑controlled São Tomé and Príncipe, as well as commercial interests in Nigeria, Ghana and apartheid‑era South Africa. In the early 1980s, Black workers at the South African subsidiary Wilson Rowntree faced harsh labour suppression. In 2021, JRCT issued a public apology, stating it was “deeply sorry” for its historical connections to “abhorrent practices” and acknowledging the lasting impact of these actions on systemic racism today. West will design a comprehensive reparations programme that engages directly with affected communities—“Black people, brown people and people of colour”—to develop long‑term restorative justice strategies. He said, "I am honoured to accept this role. It offers the power and the responsibility to make real, meaningful changes in the lives of those who have been exploited." JRCT chief executive Nicola Purdy expressed enthusiasm, noting that the reparations initiative aligns with the trust’s charitable purpose of promoting peace, equality, human rights and climate action. Financially, JRCT allocated £13.5 million in grants in 2025, supporting organisations that advance its core missions. In 2023, it contributed £10,000 to an all‑party parliamentary group advocating for a formal UK apology for slavery and colonisation. The Rowntree family, alongside fellow Quaker dynasties Fry and Cadbury, were central to the British confectionery trade during the colonial era. Their brand was later acquired by Nestlé in 1988, but the trust’s new reparations focus underscores a broader reckoning with the historical foundations of the industry.

US President Donald Trump has claimed responsibility for the destruction of Iran's largest bridge, a 136-meter-high suspension bridge connecting Tehran and Karaj. The bridge, valued at $400 million, was struck twice, resulting in eight fatalities and 95 injuries, according to Iranian state media.Trump shared footage of the bridge's collapse on his Truth Social website, boasting that it would 'never be used again.' He also issued a stark warning, stating that there would be 'much more to follow' if a settlement is not reached with Iran.The attack on the bridge is part of a series of confirmed strikes in Iran this week. A day earlier, Trump had threatened to destroy Iran's power plants, potentially leaving millions without electricity. 'We are going to hit each and every one of their electric generating plants very hard and probably simultaneously,' he said during a primetime speech.The conflict between the US and Iran has resulted in significant damage and human suffering. Iran has suffered over 15,000 bombing raids since the start of the war, with at least 1,900 people killed and 20,000 injured, according to the International Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies. Oil prices have surged by 7% to $108 per barrel amid concerns of a wider conflict.UN Secretary General António Guterres has warned that the world is 'on the edge of a wider war' with catastrophic global implications, calling for an immediate end to the fighting.

Puka Nacua, the Los Angeles Rams’ standout wide receiver, entered a rehabilitation program months before a civil suit was filed against him, according to his legal counsel.Attorney Levi McCathern told The California Post that Nacua’s decision to seek treatment was not a reaction to the lawsuit, but an effort to "improve his overall behavior in every aspect of his life" and that he will remain in rehab for an extended period.The plaintiff, Madison Atiabi, alleges that during a New Year’s Eve dinner in Los Angeles last year, Nacua uttered a profane anti‑Jewish slur and subsequently bit her shoulder, leaving visible teeth marks. She also claims Nacua bit a friend’s thumb with enough force to cause acute pain.McCathern vehemently refutes the antisemitic accusation, describing the alleged bites as "horseplay" and citing multiple sober witnesses who assert that Nacua never made the offensive remarks attributed to him.In December, Nacua issued a public apology after a livestream gesture was criticized for echoing antisemitic tropes, further intensifying scrutiny of his conduct.On the field, the 24‑year‑old had a breakout season, leading the NFL with 129 receptions, 1,715 yards, and 10 touchdowns. He continued his dominance in the playoffs, topping the league with 24 catches for 332 yards and two touchdowns.With his contract set to expire this offseason, Nacura is eligible for an extension that could rank him among the highest‑paid receivers in NFL history, though the Rams have yet to announce any negotiations.