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Historic peace talks between Iran and the US commenced in Islamabad, Pakistan, marking the first face-to-face meeting between senior negotiators from both countries since 1979. The discussions, facilitated by Pakistani mediators, took place in a positive atmosphere despite continued fighting in Lebanon.The US delegation, led by Vice-President JD Vance, and Iran's negotiators, headed by Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf and Abbas Araghchi, engaged in two rounds of talks. The discussions covered key topics such as security, finance, and the Strait of Hormuz.Pakistani sources confirmed that Pakistan's army chief, Asim Munir, was present in the room, having played a crucial role in brokering a ceasefire earlier in the week. Pakistan's Prime Minister, Shehbaz Sharif, hosted dinner for the delegations at his residence.The Iranian negotiators initially demanded a ceasefire in Lebanon, reparations, and a commitment to unblock frozen assets as part of a peace deal. However, the US warned against attempts to manipulate the negotiations, with Vance stating that the US would not be receptive to such tactics.The talks have sparked optimism, with a senior Pakistani official expressing hope for a breakthrough. The discussions have also drawn attention from other countries, with reports suggesting that China may offer guarantees to secure a deal.Meanwhile, Israel's military actions in Lebanon have escalated tensions, with Hezbollah firing rockets at Israeli cities. The Lebanese army has deployed troops to maintain stability amid internal tensions.

JD Vance, the US Vice-President, has embarked on a high-stakes mission to Islamabad to negotiate a peace deal with Iran, a task that has been likened to a 'poisoned chalice.' Vance's challenge is to secure a durable peace between a rhetorical ceasefire and the resumption of hostilities.Vance, a vocal critic of US wars in the Middle East, now finds himself at the forefront of efforts to end the conflict. His presence at the talks, the highest-level meeting since the Iranian revolution of 1979, underscores the significance of this diplomatic push. However, Iran's negotiators feel emboldened by their recent successes, including control of the strategic Hormuz strait and their resilience in the face of a massive US-Israeli onslaught.The path to negotiations is fraught with hurdles. Iran has set conditions for talks, including the release of its blocked assets, a demand the US has not publicly agreed to. Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, Iran's parliamentary speaker, emphasized that these conditions must be met before negotiations can begin. This stance could complicate Vance's efforts to initiate meaningful dialogue.Vance's mission could have far-reaching implications for his potential presidential run in 2028. His credentials as a MAGA supporter have been questioned due to his less-than-enthusiastic approach to the war in Iran. The outcome of these talks could either bolster or undermine his political standing.Tehran's negotiators are known for their tireless and relentless bargaining style, which could put Vance under significant pressure. The US, while able to walk away from the negotiating table, cannot guarantee the free flow of marine traffic from the Persian Gulf, giving Iran key leverage over the White House. This dynamic could have profound implications for the global economy, particularly in terms of fuel shortages and supply chain disruptions.Before departing for Islamabad, Vance indicated that his team had received clear instructions from Donald Trump regarding the negotiations. He expressed a willingness to engage in good faith with Iran but warned against attempts to 'play' the US. The success of these talks remains uncertain, but their impact on global stability and Vance's political future is undeniable.

The ongoing conflict between the US and Israel and Iran has significantly altered the dynamics of the nuclear programme negotiations. Former US envoys who dealt with Iran have stated that the US-Israeli attack on Iran and Tehran's subsequent closure of the Strait of Hormuz have given Iran new tools and resolve to resist pressure to shutter its nuclear programme.Two senior negotiators for the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), the Obama-era agreement to limit Iran's nuclear uranium enrichment in exchange for sanctions relief, said the Trump administration's war had handed Iran a coveted weapon by demonstrating its ability to cut off the Strait of Hormuz, an economic chokehold that one negotiator said would help Iran 'balance the asymmetry of power' with the US.Alan Eyre, a former diplomat who helped negotiate the JCPOA, noted that 'this administration, to say it more politely, cannot unsoil the bed. There's no way to get back to the status quo ante before this war started.'In 2018, Donald Trump withdrew the US from the JCPOA, which barred Tehran from enriching its uranium to weapons-grade. Trump called the deal 'one of the worst and most one-sided transactions' the US had ever entered into.However, after a strategy of high pressure – first through returning sanctions and then, after Trump's return to power in 2025, a war that was meant to destroy Iran's nuclear and ballistic missile capabilities – the current US administration has found itself in more complex negotiations than before its campaign of economic and military strikes.Robert Malley, a Yale lecturer who was former special envoy to Iran under Joe Biden and a lead negotiator on the JCPOA, said: 'The strait of Hormuz wasn't an issue before the US decided to strike. You have all the issues inherited from the past, but you just added a few, because the US has handed Iran a tool that it always had, but it never thought of using, or never felt it could.'The chances for a comprehensive agreement addressing all of the US and Iran's grievances appear slim. While the Obama administration sought to negotiate exclusively on Iran's nuclear programme in the lead-up to the 2015 agreement, the Trump administration has sought a broader deal limiting Iran's ballistic missiles programme and its support for regional proxies, such as Hezbollah in Lebanon and the Houthis in Yemen.

Washington, D.C. – President Donald Trump declared a two‑week ceasefire with Iran on Tuesday, just hours after threatening a massive attack on the country. The pause will allow Iran to reopen the strategic Strait of Hormuz while both sides negotiate a longer‑term settlement. Republican Senator Lindsey Graham, a noted Iran hawk, welcomed the diplomatic move but stressed extreme caution. He praised the “hard work” of negotiators but warned that any agreement must be scrutinized, noting that Iran’s 10‑point plan reportedly offers sanctions relief and permits Tehran to retain control of the strait. Graham also warned that Iran must not be rewarded for its earlier attacks on the strait, writing on X: “We must remember that the Strait of Hormuz was attacked by Iran after the start of the war, destroying freedom of navigation. Going forward, it is imperative Iran is not rewarded for this hostile act against the world.” Democratic senators, while relieved that U.S. forces would be out of immediate danger, seized the moment to demand accountability. Senator Ruben Gallego said, “Stopping war is good… we can criticize why we got into this war, the illegality of it and hold the Trump admin accountable. But right now I am relieved.” Other Democrats, including Senator Ed Markey and Congresswoman Alexandria Ocasio‑Cortez, warned that the ceasefire does not erase the fact that the conflict was launched without congressional authorization and that targeting civilian infrastructure may constitute war crimes. Ocasio‑Cortez wrote, “The President has threatened a genocide against the Iranian people… launched a massive war… without reason, rationale, nor Congressional authorization – which is as clear a violation of the Constitution as any.” Critics on the right, such as far‑right activist Laura Loomer and commentator Mark Levin, dismissed the truce as a temporary pause, predicting the war will resume. Loomer warned, “The negotiation is a negative for our country… I don’t know why people are acting like this is a win.” Levin added, “This enemy is still the enemy; they’re still surviving.” The conflict, which began on February 28 without a congressional war declaration, has already seen high‑profile strikes, including an attack that the article claims killed Iranian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei and a devastating strike on a girls’ school in Minab that killed over 170 civilians, mostly children. Economically, the closure of the Strait of Hormuz earlier in the war sent oil and gas prices soaring, underscoring the strategic importance of the waterway. Senator Chris Murphy (D) warned that allowing Iran to control the strait would be a “history‑changing win” for Tehran. Across the aisle, lawmakers agree that the ceasefire is not a clean slate. Advocacy director Raed Jarrar of DAWN urged an immediate congressional investigation into the war’s origins, funding, and accountability for civilian casualties. As the two‑week pause unfolds, U.S. officials and legislators will closely monitor negotiations, with the broader debate over war powers, constitutional authority, and potential impeachment of President Trump remaining front and center in Washington.

Opening new oil and gas fields in the North Sea would send a shock wave around the world, senior climate diplomats warned, saying the move would imperil international climate targets, erode the United Kingdom’s reputation as a climate leader and embolden developing countries to exploit their own fossil‑fuel reserves.The UK government faces intense lobbying from the oil industry, Conservative MPs, Nigel Farage’s Reform UK party, certain trade unions and factions within the Treasury. Yet research shows that new drilling would do little to lower energy prices and would have almost no impact on gas imports.Two of the remaining large North Sea prospects – the Rosebank and Jackdaw fields – sit in a basin that is over 90% depleted and increasingly costly to develop. Even if fully exploited, they would displace only about 1% and 2% of the UK’s gas imports respectively, according to recent analysis.Senior figures in international climate diplomacy described the prospect of new drilling as dangerous for global emissions‑reduction efforts and a step back from the phase‑out of fossil fuels.Lord Nicolas Stern, professor at the London School of Economics, warned that “new drilling and a slowdown in climate action would be bad for growth and for energy security in the UK, and a damaging signal for the world.” He added that the UK’s pioneering climate legislation and its role as the first G7 nation to commit to net‑zero by 2050 give its actions “extra weight” on the global stage.An anonymous senior African negotiator reacted angrily to the proposal, stating that Africa would “reject any proposal for the UK to expand oil drilling” because it is “fundamentally inconsistent with both the letter and spirit of the Paris Agreement” and would “weaken trust with climate‑vulnerable nations”.Christiana Figueres, former UN climate chief and co‑founder of the Global Optimism think‑tank, argued that true energy independence lies in “scaling clean, domestic energy, not in extending the life of declining industries”. She cautioned that reverting to old‑fashioned oil expansion would lock in infrastructure at odds with the direction of the global energy system.The UK has been a vocal supporter of an upcoming conference in Colombia on the “transition away from fossil fuels”, a pledge made three years ago at COP28 that remains largely unfulfilled. However, the Guardian learned that Ed Miliband, the UK secretary of state for energy security and net‑zero, will not attend; the government’s climate envoy, Rachel Kyte, will travel in his place.Campaigners had urged Miliband’s presence, citing his pivotal role in securing a last‑minute deal at COP30 in Brazil last November.Experts caution that licensing new fields before the Colombian summit could undermine progress in persuading developing nations to forgo fossil‑fuel‑based economies and adopt cleaner energy pathways.Mohamed Adow, director of the Power Shift Africa think‑tank, warned that a UK approval would “send a shock wave around the world that short‑term interests are being prioritised over long‑term responsibility”. He stressed that many African countries are being asked to leapfrog to clean energy with limited financial support, and that wealthy nations continuing to invest in fossil fuels “undermine this message and diminish their credibility”.Several developing‑country officials echoed this concern, asking, “Why shouldn’t we tap into our own fossil‑fuel resources if the UK is doing so?” They argued that leadership on climate must be consistent with actions.An ally of Miliband praised the UK’s stance, calling “no new exploration licences” a “landmark global leadership position” that shows a major oil‑producing country can align policy with climate science to avoid a 3‑4°C warming scenario.A government spokesperson reaffirmed the administration’s commitment, stating that the UK has placed “clean energy and climate at the heart of its agenda”, and that it will continue to “stop issuing licences to explore new fields, in line with the science and in securing a just transition in the North Sea”.

President Donald Trump's recent primetime address on the war with Iran has sparked widespread bewilderment and criticism. The speech, which lasted 19 minutes, was marked by slurred words and stumbling syntax. Trump vaguely stated that the US is 'on track to complete all of America's military objectives shortly,' but failed to provide a clear endgame or sense of direction.During the address, Trump vowed to continue bombing Iran to 'bring them back to the stone ages,' where he claimed they belonged. This statement has been widely criticized, with commentators describing it as a threat of war crimes. Chris Hayes of MSNBC called the speech a 'litany of lies he's told before,' while Robert Malley, a former lead negotiator for the nuclear deal, wrote that Trump's threat to send Iranians 'back to the stone ages' was a cavalier threat of war crimes.The speech has been criticized for lacking a clear endgame or sense of direction. Ian Bremmer, the founder and president of the Eurasia Group, called the address '19 minutes of a rambling, unmoored and unserious commander in chief.' Joseph Cirincione, a veteran arms control negotiator, accused Trump of lying about the 2015 nuclear deal, which Trump abandoned in 2018.The war with Iran has now raged for a month, and the absence of defined goals in Trump's speech has been highlighted by critics. Brian Finucane of the Crisis Group and a former state department legal adviser on military operations noted that the speech merely regurgitated prior social media posts, raising questions about Trump's war aims.

Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian has urged the American people to look beyond the distortions and narratives surrounding the US-Israeli war on Iran and ask a critical question: whose interests are being served by this conflict?In an open letter addressed to the US public, Pezeshkian questioned whether President Donald Trump's 'America First' policy is truly a priority for the US government. He emphasized that the massacre of innocent children, destruction of cancer-treatment facilities, and boasting about bombing a country 'back to the stone ages' only serve to damage the United States' global standing.Pezeshkian also rejected portrayals of Tehran as a threat, noting that Iran had been attacked twice while its negotiators were engaged in nuclear talks – once by Israel in June 2025, with the US briefly joining in, and again at the end of February this year.The Iranian president stressed that attacking Iran's vital infrastructure, including energy and industrial facilities, directly targets the Iranian people and constitutes a war crime. Such actions, he argued, generate instability, increase human and economic costs, and perpetuate cycles of tension.Pezeshkian's letter comes amid escalating tensions, with Trump threatening to 'blast Iran into oblivion' unless the Strait of Hormuz is reopened. The US president also claimed that Iran's 'new regime president' had requested a ceasefire – a claim denied by Iranian officials.The Iranian leader also questioned whether the Trump administration was manipulated by Israel in launching the war against Iran. He asked whether America has entered this aggression as a proxy for Israel, influenced and manipulated by that regime.

Islamabad has re‑emerged as a pivotal conduit between Washington and Tehran, delivering a U.S. 15‑point cease‑fire proposal on March 25, 2026, as the US‑Israeli campaign against Iran enters its second month. Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar confirmed that Pakistan is transmitting the proposal, with Turkey and Egypt offering additional diplomatic backing. Chief US negotiator Steve Witkoff later verified Pakistan’s role as a messenger, and President Donald Trump announced a 10‑day pause on planned strikes against Iranian power plants, citing a request from Tehran. Iran has denied direct talks, yet the pause marks the second deferment of Trump’s original threat, underscoring Pakistan’s function as a key diplomatic facilitator in a high‑stakes conflict. The pattern is not new. In August 1969, President Nixon tasked Pakistan’s military ruler Yahya Khan with opening a channel to Beijing. Two years later, a secret flight carried U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger from Islamabad to China, paving the way for Nixon’s historic 1972 visit and the eventual U.S. recognition of the People’s Republic of China. Analysts note that Pakistan’s unique position—maintaining working ties with both Washington and Beijing—made it the only trusted intermediary capable of handling such a sensitive mission, a view echoed by former ambassador Masood Khan. Beyond the Cold‑War episode, Pakistan has repeatedly leveraged its geography and Muslim‑world connections. It served as the primary conduit for U.S., Saudi and Chinese support to the Afghan mujahideen in the 1980s, helped broker the 1988 Geneva Accords that ended the Soviet occupation, and hosted the 2015 Murree talks between the Taliban and the Afghan government. During the 2020 Doha Agreement, Pakistani pressure on the Taliban was cited by U.S. envoy Zalmay Khalilzad as instrumental, though the rapid U.S. withdrawal and subsequent Taliban takeover left Pakistan’s long‑term interests ambiguous. Efforts to mediate Saudi‑Iran tensions have been less fruitful. In 2016, Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif’s shuttle diplomacy failed to produce a formal agreement, and a 2019 outreach by Prime Minister Imran Khan, prompted by President Trump, yielded no concrete outcome. When China facilitated the 2023 Saudi‑Iran rapprochement, Pakistan’s foreign office claimed it had laid the groundwork, but analysts still view the result as a Chinese‑led success. Pakistan’s brief 2005 overture to Israel, led by Foreign Minister Khurshid Mahmud Kasuri, similarly collapsed under domestic opposition, illustrating the limits of its diplomatic reach when internal politics intervene. Since the launch of Operation Epic Fury—the US‑Israeli air campaign that began in late February 2026 and resulted in the death of Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei—Pakistan’s leadership has intensified back‑channel activity. Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif has held multiple calls with Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian, while Army Chief Field Marshal Asim Munir spoke directly with President Trump. Both officials have also visited Saudi Arabia, where Pakistan signed a mutual defence pact in September 2025. Former ambassador Naghmana Hashmi observes that Pakistan’s diplomatic narrative is often eclipsed by conflict, yet a “quieter, more consistent thread” persists: the state’s effort to turn its strategic location and Muslim‑world ties into a lever for peace. Whether the current cease‑fire talks will yield a durable settlement remains uncertain. What is clear, however, is that Pakistan enjoys a rare blend of trust from Washington, Tehran and Gulf capitals—a leverage few regional actors possess.

Iran has formally responded to the US's proposal to end the nearly month-long war, asserting its 'natural and legal right' over the Strait of Hormuz. The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps-affiliated Tasnim news agency reported that Iran had sent its official response on Wednesday night and was awaiting a response.The Iranian response appears to contradict US President Donald Trump's claim that Tehran was 'begging to make a deal'. Instead, Iran has laid out conditions that signal a continued hardening of its position, including an end to 'aggressive acts of assassination', compensation and war reparations, measures to ensure 'war does not recur', and an end to hostilities from 'all resistance groups that took part in this battle throughout the region'.US special envoy Steve Witkoff claimed on Thursday that Tehran was seeking an 'off-ramp', with signs that Iran had realised there was no alternative to negotiation. However, the source cited in Tasnim's report slammed the US proposal, claiming that Washington sought to 'deceive the world' by presenting a peaceful image while preparing for 'ground invasion'.Trump posted on Truth Social that he would pause attacks on Iran's energy infrastructure for 10 days until April 6, claiming Tehran requested the move amid 'ongoing' talks that were 'going very well'. He also claimed that Iran was 'begging to make a deal', saying 'We are absolutely obliterating Iran' and that Iranians were 'lousy fighters, but great negotiators'. The economic and humanitarian toll of the conflict continues to mount, with Iran effectively blocking the Strait of Hormuz, leading to fuel shortages worldwide.