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Beirut, Lebanon – On 24 March, Foreign Minister Youssef Raggi announced that Iran’s ambassador to Lebanon, Mohammad Reza Sheibani, was declared persona non grata and ordered to depart by 29 March. Two days after the deadline, the envoy remained in Beirut, refusing to leave. The episode unfolds against a broader conflict that has already claimed more than 1,000 lives and displaced over 1.2 million people within a single month of Israeli military action in Lebanon. It also highlights a deepening schism in Lebanese politics between supporters of the pro‑Iranian Shia militia Hezbollah and those demanding its disarmament. Imad Salamey, a political scientist at the Lebanese American University, told Al Jazeera that the ambassador’s defiance is a symptom of a larger contest over legitimacy and authority. IRGC’s Strategic Role Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) helped forge Hezbollah in 1982 as a response to Israel’s invasion. Over the decades, Tehran’s billions of dollars in funding elevated Hezbollah to Lebanon’s most powerful political and military force. Hezbollah’s popularity peaked in 2000 after driving Israeli forces from south Lebanon, but subsequent engagements—including the 2006 war, the 2008 Beirut street battles, the Syrian civil war, and the 2019 domestic protests—have eroded its broader support. When Hezbollah entered open conflict with Israel on 8 October 2023, it enjoyed limited backing beyond the Shia community. By the November 2024 cease‑fire, the group was at a low point, with Israel having killed more than 4,000 Lebanese, including leader Hassan Nasrallah and much of Hezbollah’s command. International pressure then mounted for Hezbollah’s disarmament, prompting Prime Minister Nawaf Salam and President Joseph Aoun to prioritize the issue. According to several analysts, the IRGC exploited the cease‑fire lull to dispatch officials to Lebanon, restructuring Hezbollah’s command and possibly ordering its re‑entry into the war on 2 March—just days after Iran’s Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei was assassinated. Prime Minister Salam has publicly claimed the IRGC is “managing the military operation in Lebanon” and even accused Tehran of launching an attack on Cyprus. Ambassador Refuses to Exit In response to the perceived IRGC influence, Raggi’s declaration stripped Sheibani of diplomatic immunity. Dania Arayssi, senior analyst at the New Lines Institute, described the move as a “landmark decision” given Iran’s entrenched role in Lebanese politics. Iran’s Foreign Ministry, however, maintains that Sheibani will not depart, and Hezbollah has openly pledged to protect him, warning that any government attempt to disarm the militia will be met with “punishment.” Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri—longtime Hezbollah ally—initially backed the government’s ban on Hezbollah’s military activity after the March re‑entry, illustrating the fluidity of alliances within Lebanon’s power‑sharing system. State Authority Tested Hezbollah’s renewed campaign, which includes dozens of cross‑border attacks and direct engagements with Israeli forces on Lebanese soil, is reshaping the political calculus. The militia’s revived confidence challenges the Lebanese government’s ability to enforce disarmament. While the ambassador remains protected inside the Iranian diplomatic compound—effectively beyond the reach of Lebanese law—critics argue that Tehran’s refusal to honor the expulsion order undermines the state’s authority, already weakened by months of war. Salamey summed up the dilemma: “The state is asserting its authority on paper, but internal divisions and competing claims of legitimacy constrain its practical power, testing the limits of Lebanon’s fragile power‑sharing arrangement.”

Ethiopian women's rights activists are facing a rising tide of digital violence, including online threats, doxing, and deepfake abuse, forcing some to flee the country. Yordanos Bezabih, an Ethiopian women's rights activist, had faced online threats for years, including acid attacks, gang-rape, and death. However, in 2025, the threats became more menacing, with an anonymous Telegram group organizing an effort to track down her location.The group shared deepfakes of her – nude images and videos. A stranger started filming her in the streets, calling her by her social media handle. Thieves broke into her house and stole her laptop. Soon after, her Telegram account was hacked, and her private photos and messages were circulated on social media. The perpetrators later circulated her address, demanding she be found and “executed”.In August, Bezabih left Ethiopia on a fellowship for human rights defenders. She has not returned since; it is too dangerous. “I have been forced to remain outside the country in order to protect my safety and continue my work,” she says.Bezabih is one of a small but growing number of feminists and women’s rights defenders who have left Ethiopia over the past two years, as online violence has become all-pervasive and uncontrolled. Three years after Facebook was accused of allowing hate speech to spread unchecked in Ethiopia, amid genocidal violence against ethnic Tigrayans during the civil war – claims rejected by Meta – social media inciters in Ethiopia have found a new target: women online.Research by the Centre for Information Resilience (CIR) bears out the scale of online gendered abuse in Ethiopia. Its 2024 report, Silence, Shamed and Threatened, found that technology-facilitated gender-based violence (TFGBV) has become “normalized to the point of invisibility” and is a daily occurrence with severe offline impacts, including psychological harm, physical assault, and arrests.Activists say the government and social media platforms are not doing enough to protect them. “I don’t think the government is much concerned about online harassment. It is barely a government agenda,” says Befekadu Hailu, an Ethiopian civil society leader and former director of Ethiopia’s Centre for the Advancement of Rights and Democracy.Bezabih says the online platforms that enable the violence also do little about it. “Even though they claim to have all these community guidelines, tech platforms never respond to reports, claims or even appeals.”

The Houthis are a militant group that emerged from a years-long civil war in Yemen as the country’s most powerful political force. Their strategic location at the entrance of the Red Sea allows them to disrupt international trade.The group, which has an estimated 20,000 fighters, represents the Zaidi branch of Shia Islam. The Houthis first began gaining mass support around the turn of the century from Shia Yemenis who were fed up with corruption and authoritarian leaders.In 2014, the Houthis captured the Yemeni capital, Sana’a, and a year later overthrew the western-backed president, Abd-Rabbu Mansour Hadi. Hadi was forced to flee, but his allies in Saudi Arabia and the UAE launched a military campaign, also backed by the west, to drive out the Houthis.The ensuing civil war led to an estimated 377,000 deaths and displaced 4 million people by the end of 2021. The UN brokered a 2022 truce between the warring sides in Yemen that has largely held.As part of Iran’s “axis of resistance”, the Houthis began targeting international shipping in the Red Sea after the 7 October 2023 attack on Israel by Hamas, which triggered the Israeli military campaign in Gaza. The Houthis’ campaign in the Red Sea – a major thoroughfare for world trade – brought chaos to global supply chains.The Houthis ceased their attacks after a US-brokered ceasefire between Israel and Hamas in October 2025.While the US says Iran has armed, funded, and trained the Houthis, the group denies being an Iranian proxy but says they share a political affinity. On 28 March, the Houthis fired missiles at Israel, vowing to continue military operations until Israel “ceases its attacks and aggression”.

On Palm Sunday, Christians in Lebanon gathered in churches to commemorate Jesus's triumphal entry into Jerusalem, but the celebrations were overshadowed by the escalating conflict between Israel and Hezbollah. The Maronite Catholic church near Dahiyeh in Beirut's southern suburbs was filled to capacity, despite being close to a largely deserted district due to Israeli evacuation orders and ongoing air strikes.In the coastal city of Tyre, church bells tolled and choral music filled the air as residents sought solace in preserving their sacred traditions amid the devastation. Worshippers prayed earnestly for peace, aware of Lebanon's history of sectarian tensions rooted in the 1975-1990 civil war between Christians and Muslims.Mahia Jamus, a 20-year-old university student in Beirut, expressed concern that no one is safe from the conflict's effects. "There's no bombing here right now, but no one is safe from this—not the Christians, not anyone," she said. "No one is spared from its effects."In Tyre, Roseth Katra, 41, emphasized the importance of preserving traditions despite the surrounding devastation. "Amid the wars, the tragedies, and the destruction happening around us, we remain on our land," she said. "Today is Palm Sunday, and we are celebrating."The conflict has resulted in at least 1,238 people killed and over 3,500 wounded in Israeli attacks since March 2, according to Lebanon's Ministry of Health. Israeli troops have launched a ground invasion advancing towards the Litani River, while Hezbollah has claimed dozens of operations against Israeli forces.

The conflict in Sudan continues to intensify, with two drone strikes resulting in the deaths of at least 28 civilians. The strikes occurred in separate locations, with one hitting a market in Saraf Omra, North Darfur state, killing 22 people, including an infant, and injuring 17 others. Another strike targeted a truck carrying civilians on a highway in North Kordofan, approximately 500 miles east of Darfur, killing six people and wounding 10. The RSF was blamed for the attack, although it is unclear which side launched the drone. Sudan's civil war, which began on April 15, 2023, has led to over 11.6 million people being displaced out of a population of about 51 million. The conflict has resulted in tens of thousands to potentially over 400,000 deaths. The situation has been described as the world's worst humanitarian crisis, with large areas of the country at risk of famine. The UN has reported a significant increase in civilian deaths from drone strikes this year, particularly in the Kordofan region. Between January 1 and March 15, over 500 people were killed by drones. A recent drone strike on a hospital in East Darfur killed 64 people and wounded 89, according to the World Health Organization.