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The film 'Palestine 36' delves into the 1936 Palestinian revolt, a pivotal moment in history that nearly changed the course of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Director Annemarie Jacir sheds light on the often-forgotten roots of today's crisis and why this history still feels painfully present.Before the Israeli occupation, there was British colonialism. The film provides a unique perspective on the events leading up to the current situation, offering insights into the complex and tumultuous history of the region.Key aspects of the film include its exploration of the revolt's impact on the region and its people, as well as its relevance to contemporary issues. The director's work aims to bring attention to the historical context that has shaped the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.The episode also features recommended stories related to the topic, including discussions on the 'Greater Israel' project, Iran's stance on the US, and the significance of universities in the region.

Former Iranian foreign minister Mohammad Javad Zarif urged Tehran to declare victory and pursue a diplomatic settlement after a rapid escalation of hostilities between Washington and Tehran. U.S. President Donald Trump warned that the U.S. military has not even started dismantling what remains of Iran’s infrastructure, a statement made in the wake of a strike that demolished the country’s largest bridge. In retaliation, Iran’s armed forces cautioned that they would destroy U.S. regional assets if the United States and Israel intensify their attacks, signaling a willingness to broaden the conflict. Tehran’s latest wave of strikes hit a desalination plant in Kuwait and the Habshan gas facility in the United Arab Emirates, extending the battlefield across the Gulf region. Analysts interpret Zarif’s call for a victory proclamation as a strategic pivot toward seeking a negotiated deal, even as military rhetoric on both sides remains fierce.

Myanmar's coup leader, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, has been elected as the country's president by a pro-military parliament, securing 429 out of 584 votes. This move formalizes his control over the war-torn nation, marking a significant shift in the country's political landscape.The 69-year-old general, who orchestrated a 2021 coup against the administration of Nobel Peace Prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi, has long sought the presidency. His ascent follows a lopsided election in December and January won by an army-backed party, which critics and Western governments have deemed a sham.The pro-military Union Solidarity and Development Party secured more than 80 percent of parliamentary seats in the election. With serving members of the armed forces occupying unelected seats, making up a quarter of the total, the party's dominance is clear.Min Aung Hlaing's rise to the presidency is seen as a strategic pivot to consolidate his power as head of a nominally civilian government and gain international legitimacy. However, the ongoing civil war in Myanmar and the formation of a new combined front by anti-military groups pose significant challenges to his administration.

The UK’s premier AI research centre, the Alan Turing Institute, has been instructed by its chief public funder, UK Research and Innovation (UKRI), to implement significant organisational changes. The directive follows a UKRI review that found the institute’s strategic alignment and value for money "not yet satisfactory".UKRI, which granted the institute a £100 million, five‑year funding package in 2024 and remains its largest single source of finance, said the review highlighted strong scientific foundations but a lack of clear strategic focus and delivery.Last summer, the government signalled that the institute must undergo a strategic overhaul, urging a shift toward defence and national security while downgrading work on health and the environment—previously two of its three core pillars.Leadership turbulence has accelerated the changes. Chief Executive Jean Innes resigned in September after staff unrest, and chair Doug Gurr stepped down this week to take up a permanent role at the UK competition watchdog.UKRI’s AI programme overseer, Prof. Charlotte Deane, stressed that achieving the UK’s AI ambitions requires institutions that are “focused, effective and aligned to national need.” She added that the review recognises the institute’s value but calls for significant change in several areas.To execute the recommendations, UKRI will work with the institute’s newly appointed chief executive, George Williamson, who comes from a government post centred on national security. The plan includes strengthening governance and placing defence and security at the core of the institute’s mission.The Alan Turing Institute collaborates with universities, private firms and government bodies, while UKRI invests £8 billion annually in UK research and innovation. A spokesperson for the institute acknowledged recent improvements in focus and governance but said it must move “faster and further.”“Working with funders and partners, we will be even more ambitious about the role we can play for the UK, and we welcome the confirmation of our clear, single‑purpose mission with national resilience, security and defence at its core,” the institute said.

By the time head coach Jesse Marsch concluded the March international window, the clock was ticking toward April, leaving Canada with more questions than answers ahead of the 2026 World Cup. The Toronto friendly against Tunisia turned into an “odd” afternoon, with a sudden lightning delay pushing the match’s finish to 11 p.m. and forcing fans to follow the action on mobile devices while rain hammered the city. While many had imagined a Canada‑Italy opener after the December draw, the draw against Bosnia and Herzegovina proved a relief. Swapping a potential clash with the world’s 12th‑ranked side for a match against the 65th‑ranked Bosnia is now viewed as a fortunate turn, yet the Bosnian squad displayed a relentless mid‑press that tested Canada’s defensive organization. Bosnia’s pressing generated 30 shots and a torrent of crosses, with veteran striker Edin Džeko looming as a threat and young forwards Esmir Bajraktarević and Kerim Alajbegović showcasing high energy. Marsch noted, “These kids grew up in a war‑torn country; they have resilience that showed in the last week.” Defensive depth emerged as a glaring issue. Centre‑back Moïse Bombito returned to training but remains sidelined with a Nice injury, while regulars Alfie Jones, Derek Cornelius and Luc de Fougerolles were unavailable. MLS pair Joel Waterman and Kamal Miller displayed “ill‑timed jitters,” raising concerns about the back line’s stability. Offensively, Canada’s output was blunt. Across two matches only two Jonathan David penalties found the net; forwards Cyle Larin and Tani Oluwaseyi failed to create a decisive spark. Larin’s last goal for Canada came in October 2024, and Oluwaseyi has scored just two times in 22 caps. Moreover, the team has failed to score from open play in six of their last seven internationals, recording three 0‑0 draws on home soil. Amid the gloom, 22‑year‑old winger Marcelo Flores offered a glimpse of optimism. The former Tigres talent, recently cleared to represent Canada after switching from Mexico, dazzled with dribbles and quick pivots, prompting calls to elevate Juventus striker Promise David and position Flores in a more creative role. The final, lingering question concerns the starting goalkeeper for the June 12 opener. Marsch has oscillated between Maxime Crépeau and Dayne St Clair for two years, and injuries have prevented a decisive choice. Both keepers remain fit, leaving the coach “as close as it’s always been” to a decision. Predicted squad Goalkeepers: Dayne St Clair, Maxime Crépeau, Owen Goodman. Defenders: Moïse Bombito, Derek Cornelius, Luc de Fougerolles, Joel Waterman, Alistair Johnston, Niko Sigur, Richie Laryea, Alphonso Davies. Midfielders: Steph Eustaquio, Ismaël Kone, Mathieu Choinière, Nathan Saliba, Jonathan Osorio, Tajon Buchanan, Ali Ahmed, Liam Millar, Marcelo Flores, Jacob Shaffelburg. Forwards: Jonathan David, Cyle Larin, Tani Oluwaseyi, Daniel Jebbison, Promise David.

Alana King’s leg‑spin dismantled the West Indies in St Kitts, delivering a decisive 5 for 19 from 10 overs and guiding Australia to a commanding nine‑wicket win.The hosts were bowled out for just 136 runs in the third and final ODI, ending a bright start with a collapse that left them 78 for five. King’s spell, her second‑best ODI figures after a 7 for 18 at last year’s World Cup, was pivotal in restricting the Caribbean side.Australia chased the modest target in under 20 overs, thanks to an explosive innings from opener Phoebe Litchfield (68* off 56 balls) and a steady contribution by veteran Ellyse Perry (33* not out). The pair steered the tourists home with ease, sealing a 3‑0 series sweep.Speaking after the match, King highlighted the team’s discipline: “We were very clinical, we nailed our lengths, and we really owned that.” She praised the collective effort of the bowling unit for holding a “very destructive” West Indian side to just about 140 runs.West Indies won the toss and elected to bat, with opener Deandra Dottin (22) and captain Hayley Matthews (34) putting on a 38‑run opening partnership. However, King struck early, catching Matthews off a sliced drive, and soon after, Jannillea Glasgow fell for a duck, leaving the visitors reeling at 78 for five.Middle‑order contributions from Chinelle Henry (40* not out) and Realeanna Grimmond (20) added some resistance, but King completed her third ODI five‑wicket haul, dismissing Afy Fletcher and Karishma Ramharack, while off‑spinner Ash Gardner chipped in with 2 for 29.Australia’s chase was swift; after reaching the target inside nine overs, the result was never in doubt. Perry accelerated the scoring alongside Litchfield, ensuring the tourists cruised to a sixth consecutive white‑ball win on the tour.With the ODI series wrapped up, Australia now turn their focus to the upcoming 2026 T20 World Cup in England, scheduling three preparatory T20s against South Africa before the tournament.

In a recent analysis, the author argues that Lebanon’s accession to the International Criminal Court (ICC) would mark a pivotal step toward greater accountability and international legitimacy. By becoming a State Party, Lebanon could align its judicial framework with the global standards set by the Rome Statute, thereby enhancing the credibility of its legal institutions. The piece highlights three core benefits: first, the ICC’s jurisdiction would provide a mechanism to investigate and prosecute serious crimes such as war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide that have historically plagued the region. Second, joining the Court would signal Lebanon’s commitment to the rule of law, potentially attracting foreign investment and diplomatic support by demonstrating a stable, rights‑respecting environment. Third, participation could facilitate cooperation with other ICC members, fostering regional dialogue on justice and reconciliation. While acknowledging the political complexities surrounding accession, the author stresses that the long‑term gains—greater judicial independence, deterrence of future atrocities, and improved international relations—outweigh short‑term challenges. The article concludes that embracing ICC membership would not only serve victims of past abuses but also position Lebanon as a proactive contributor to the global fight against impunity.

Al Jazeera presents an in‑depth look at Mohamed Salah, exploring the intertwining of his football achievements, personal faith, and the evolving public narrative surrounding elite athletes. The piece highlights how Salah’s on‑field success—marked by record‑breaking goal tallies and pivotal titles—has become a platform for discussing broader cultural themes. His openness about his religious beliefs offers a rare glimpse into the personal convictions that shape his professionalism. By examining Salah’s influence beyond the pitch, the article underscores a changing perception of sports figures: no longer seen solely as entertainers, but as individuals capable of driving social dialogue and challenging stereotypes. Through interviews, match footage, and commentary from peers, the feature illustrates how Salah’s story resonates with fans worldwide, fostering a deeper appreciation for the role of faith and identity in modern football.

Europe’s attention is fixed on Hungary’s parliamentary election scheduled for April 12, a contest many analysts view as a litmus test for the bloc’s cohesion on foreign‑policy, defence, energy and migration. Since coming to power, Prime Minister Viktor Orban has consistently blocked EU initiatives: he has refused to join a common asylum framework, opposed a joint defence scheme, resisted the shift toward renewable‑energy independence while still importing Russian hydrocarbons, and vetoed both Ukraine’s accession talks and a proposed €90 billion low‑interest loan package for Kyiv. These actions have made Hungary the most disruptive member state in the Union, prompting observers to argue that the election’s outcome will reverberate far beyond Budapest’s borders. Greek conservative MP Angelos Syrigos warned that the EU is plagued by “fanatically Trump‑like and pro‑Russian” governments, naming Hungary and Slovakia as examples. He told Al Jazeera that the constant threat of an Orban veto forces other capitals to seek ad‑hoc compromises rather than genuine consensus. Opposition leader Peter Magyar of the Tisza party is campaigning on a pro‑European platform, pledging a binding referendum on Ukraine’s membership, a crackdown on corruption, the release of billions in frozen EU funds, and a reversal of Hungary’s withdrawal from the International Criminal Court. Current polls give Tisza roughly 50 % of the vote, a ten‑point lead over the ruling Fidesz, though the political landscape remains fluid. Even a Magyar victory would not automatically resolve the EU’s structural challenges. Other illiberal leaders—such as Slovakia’s Robert Fico and the Czech Republic’s Andrej Babiš—could step into a vacuum of obstructionism. Nevertheless, some scholars argue that Orban’s habit of breaking consensus has forced the Union to become more pragmatic. At a December 2023 summit, EU leaders temporarily excluded Orban to secure unanimous approval of Ukraine’s candidate status, later offering Hungary a €10 billion release of blocked funds as an incentive. Professor Katalin Miklossy of the University of Helsinki explained that the EU has shifted from a rigid, rule‑bound approach to a more flexible, problem‑solving mindset, saying, “We were weak when we clung to the book; now we act more practically.” Should Orban remain in power, the bloc is considering a workaround: issuing 26 bilateral loans to Ukraine from member states, bypassing any single‑country veto. Historical precedent exists. In 2010, when Greece’s debt crisis threatened the euro, EU members created the Greek Loan Facility—an ad‑hoc series of bilateral loans that compensated for the lack of a common rescue fund. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy has warned that delays in funding could leave the Ukrainian army under‑resourced, underscoring the geopolitical stakes of the Hungarian vote. The EU’s inability to move from unanimity to qualified‑majority voting—an ambition thwarted by failed French and Dutch referenda in 2005—has amplified Orban’s leverage. Yet the Union continues to evolve, having launched a common bond in 2020 to revive the pandemic‑hit economy and, since Russia’s 2022 invasion, channeling resources into a nascent European defence union. Orban’s recent reversal on the €90 billion Ukraine loan—after Kyiv refused to repair the Druzhba pipeline damaged by a Russian bomb—illustrates the volatility of his stance. He initially agreed to the loan in December, on the condition that Hungary, Slovakia and the Czech Republic would not be required to co‑sign, only to withdraw support a month later. Even if Magyar secures a parliamentary majority, the promised loan may not materialise immediately. Cambridge‑based expert Victoria Vdovychenko notes that a decision made in December 2025 to disburse funds from January 2026 has already stalled, with the next realistic window possibly in June. Academics stress that a Tisza victory would deliver a psychological boost to the EU and its trans‑Atlantic partners, injecting confidence into a system battling “stealth creep of illiberalism” and economic disenfranchisement. Professor SM Amadae of Cambridge’s Centre for the Study of Existential Risk warned that while a change in Hungary could energise citizens, the entrenched gerrymandering and patronage networks of Fidesz present formidable obstacles to lasting reform. In sum, the April 12 election is more than a domestic contest; it is a pivotal moment that could reshape the EU’s decision‑making architecture, determine the flow of critical aid to Ukraine, and signal the future trajectory of populist politics across Europe.