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The Democratic National Committee's recent meeting in New Orleans ended with little to celebrate for supporters of Palestine and an end to the genocide in Gaza. Despite 77% of Democrats agreeing that 'Israel is committing genocide' in a Quinnipiac Poll last summer, and an NBC poll finding that registered Democrats are more sympathetic toward Palestinians than Israelis by a margin of 67-17%, the DNC refused to give any ground.The party's resolutions committee quickly discarded a pair of resolutions critical of Israel, one urging 'an immediate and permanent ceasefire in Gaza and the Occupied Palestinian Territory' and the other opposing 'military actions that endanger civilians or exacerbate repression' in Iran. These resolutions were shunted aside to a Middle East working group, which has scarcely met since its announcement last August.Halie Soifer, CEO of the Jewish Democratic Council of America, praised the DNC's 'rejection of two resolutions related to Israel', calling them 'out of step with the policies of the Democratic party'. This stance has been criticized as out of touch with the party's base, with Kirsten Gillibrand's claim that 'nine out of 10 Democrats are pro-Israel' being met with skepticism.The DNC's actions have been seen as a manifestation of an 'anachronistic time warp', with party leaders severely out of touch with what most Democrats currently believe about Israel. This disconnect erodes the Democratic base and indicates a level of 'moral incompetence' among decision-makers.Ben Rhodes, a former deputy national security adviser to Barack Obama, identified a 'fatal blind spot within American liberalism, a devaluation of human life itself' that aptly describes the foreign policy mentality atop the Democratic party. The DNC's actions have been criticized for ignoring the views of Democratic voters on Israel, potentially harming the party's base and alienating many.

Paris Saint-Germain proved too efficient for Liverpool, sealing a 4‑0 aggregate victory that ended the English club's European campaign and reminded fans that even Anfield cannot conjure miracles on demand. Despite a spirited second‑leg effort, Liverpool could not overturn the deficit. Early rain and a rousing rendition of "You’ll Never Walk Alone" created an electric atmosphere, yet the home side fell short of the two‑goal comeback that seemed plausible after their 2019 comeback against Barcelona. Key moments swung the tie in PSG’s favour: goalkeeper Matvey Safonov denied Milos Kerkez, and defender Marquinhos produced a crucial block on Virgil van Dijk. A minute earlier, Liverpool’s promising youngster Hugo Ekitiké suffered an Achilles injury, forcing his removal on a stretcher and further destabilising the Red Side. The match also highlighted Liverpool’s strategic disarray. Summer signings—forward Alexander Isak, midfielder Florian Wirtz and striker Mohamed Salah—cost the club a combined £320 million but have logged barely two hours together on the pitch. Their limited chemistry was evident as Isak was withdrawn at halftime after a tentative first half. When the game reached its climax, PSG’s forward Ousmane Dembélé finished the tie, underscoring the French side’s decisive edge in front of goal—a quality Liverpool has lacked all season. For manager Arne Slot, the defeat offers little respite. While Liverpool showed flashes of resilience, the loss eliminates any realistic route to the quarter‑finals and intensifies scrutiny over his tactical direction. In the end, Anfield’s roar could not compensate for a disjointed Liverpool squad, and PSG’s clinical performance reaffirms their status as European champions.

A recent study has confirmed what many people can already feel: summers are getting longer, and the trend is particularly pronounced in Sydney. The research, published in the journal Environmental Research Letters, found that summer conditions are arriving earlier, lasting longer, and feeling more intense due to human-induced global heating.The study, conducted by PhD candidate Ted Scott from the University of British Columbia, analyzed data from 10 global cities and found that the length of summer is increasing on average by six days every decade. However, in Sydney, Australia, the summer period is growing at a rate of about 15 days every decade.In Minneapolis, Minnesota, the summer length is increasing by nine days every decade, while Toronto in Canada is adding a little over eight days to its summer every decade. Paris and Reykjavik are adding 7.2 days to their summer periods.The research also found that the shift from one season to another is becoming more abrupt, with summer-like conditions arriving more suddenly rather than gradually warming up. Sydney's summer period has grown from 65 days in the 1960s to 125-130 days in recent years, with the summer starting almost a full month earlier on November 27 and ending on March 28.The study's findings have significant implications for various aspects of life, including school terms, sporting seasons, and crop planting. The researchers emphasize that the trend is driven by human-induced global heating and that reducing fossil fuel usage is crucial to mitigating the effects of climate change.

England Test captain Ben Stokes has moved to play down suggestions of a disagreement between himself and Brendon McCullum, the England head coach, despite the challenging Ashes series that raised questions about their tactical alignment.In a recent video released by the England and Wales Cricket Board, Stokes stressed that he and McCullum share the same overall vision for the team, but acknowledged that their approach might look 'different' this summer. He emphasized that agreeing on every single thing would be 'unhealthy' and that their discussions are crucial to achieving their goals.Stokes highlighted that he and McCullum are 'similar' but also 'dissimilar' in certain areas, which leads to constructive discussions about their strategy. He confirmed that they agree 95% of the time, and the remaining 5% is addressed through open dialogue.The England captain was keen to retain McCullum as head coach after the 4-1 Ashes defeat and has publicly expressed confidence in their ability to work together effectively. Despite reports suggesting they criticized each other during the ECB's internal review, Stokes and McCullum have maintained a united front.Looking ahead, the team's approach to cricket will be closely watched during the upcoming visits by New Zealand and Pakistan this summer, followed by tours to South Africa and Bangladesh next winter, and the home Ashes in 2027.Stokes concluded that he and McCullum are committed to making the team as good as possible and that their alignment towards winning is unwavering, even if their methods might evolve over time.

National Gas announced that the United Kingdom will have enough gas to satisfy summer demand despite recent tensions in the Strait of Hormuz. The network, which runs the country’s gas pipelines, says domestic and Norwegian supplies will cover the low‑usage months, meaning liquefied natural gas (LNG) imports will be minimal this summer. The real challenge lies ahead. While renewable rollout is accelerating, gas will remain a core part of the UK’s energy mix for at least the next two decades. It accounts for about 37% of total gas consumption in 2024, with domestic heating being the largest single use. Replacing millions of boilers with heat pumps cannot happen quickly, especially given the current sluggish pace. Government plans for 2030 still require the full 35 GW of gas‑fired generation capacity to stay online as backup. Energy department data released in early 2025 showed gas demand “broadly stable” for the third consecutive year, representing roughly half of the nation’s 75.2% fossil‑fuel dependency. In the debate over new North Sea drilling licences, the key question is where future gas will come from. Oxford energy economist Sir Dieter Helm, speaking on a Chatham House podcast, warned that gas will dominate the energy supply for the next decade or two and that the cheapest, least polluting option is pipeline gas—not LNG. Analysis from Wood Mackenzie confirms this hierarchy. Pipeline gas from modern Norwegian platforms has the lowest carbon intensity, followed by UK North Sea pipelines. By contrast, LNG adds significant emissions during liquefaction and regasification, and US LNG is the most carbon‑intensive because much of it originates from shale gas with higher methane leakage. Wood Mackenzie’s import forecasts to 2045 paint a stark picture: if domestic production wanes, the UK could rely on US LNG for over 60% of its total gas supply by 2035. The firm notes that Middle‑East gas is geared toward Asian markets, while US cargoes are increasingly directed to Europe, raising concerns about over‑reliance on a single supplier. These projections underpin the argument for expanding UK North Sea extraction. More domestic drilling would reduce dependence on US LNG—a geopolitical risk given the United States’ tendency to use energy as a foreign‑policy lever—and would also lower the overall carbon footprint of the gas supply chain. Critics often claim that North Sea output is exported, so it does not improve national security. Two counter‑points are clear: first, gas delivered directly via pipeline to the UK network is inherently more secure than trans‑Atlantic cargoes; second, the UK could negotiate long‑term, fixed‑price contracts with producers, a model that worked well in the early days of North Sea development. None of this diminishes the importance of renewables and nuclear power. Electrification remains the long‑term goal, but gas will stay in the energy basket for years to come. Offshore Energies UK estimates that, with a pragmatic licensing approach, reliance on LNG could be limited to 6% of total gas supplies by 2035. Assuming political stalemate eases, the pending approval of the Jackdaw field—accounting for roughly 6% of current domestic production—could spark a more nuanced debate about the UK’s gas procurement strategy, moving beyond the simplistic “renewables vs. gas” narrative. Reflecting on the recent Iran‑UK conflict, Prime Minister Rishi Sunak highlighted the need for “secure, homegrown energy”. The logical follow‑up is twofold: accelerate electrification to cut gas demand, and while gas remains essential, avoid turning the UK into an “energy prisoner of the US”. Beyond the geopolitical and environmental benefits, expanding North Sea output would also support jobs, tax revenue, and the balance of payments.

The UK's National Energy System Operator (Neso) is set to launch a new initiative urging households to boost their consumption of renewable energy during periods of high production. This move aims to balance the power grid and reduce energy bills, which are expected to rise to almost £2,000 a year from July. Under the plan, households may be encouraged to run appliances like dishwashers and washing machines, or charge electric vehicles, during times when there is a surplus of wind and solar power. Energy suppliers may offer discounted or free electricity during these periods. The goal is to avoid making costly payments to turn off wind and solar farms when demand is low, which ultimately affects energy bills. This approach could prove popular as households face rising energy costs. Great Britain has recently set records for solar power and is expected to have a summer where the grid could run entirely on zero-carbon electricity. The country is also anticipated to be a net importer of electricity from continental Europe. The abundance of low-carbon electricity supplies poses a risk of grid overload on breezy summer weekends, potentially leading to unplanned blackouts. However, future grid upgrades and increased power consumption by electric vehicles and green technologies are expected to mitigate this issue. Businesses and manufacturers will also be able to increase their electricity demand during certain times in exchange for better rates. Additionally, the UK is expected to have sufficient gas supplies to meet its needs this summer, primarily relying on North Sea gas from Norway and the UK.

Manchester United's recent loss to Leeds United has exposed the team's shortcomings, particularly in terms of squad depth. The absence of Kobbie Mainoo and Harry Maguire was keenly felt, as their replacements struggled to make an impact.The midfield, in particular, was affected by Mainoo's absence, with Manuel Ugarte failing to live up to expectations. Ugarte, who cost £50m from Paris Saint-Germain almost two years ago, has never justified his price tag, and his performance against Leeds only added to the concerns.The team's defense was also vulnerable, with Lisandro Martínez struggling to cope with the physical threat of Leeds' Dominic Calvert-Lewin. Martínez's frustration ultimately led to his dismissal, which further compounded United's problems.The loss has highlighted the need for United to strengthen their squad, particularly in central midfield. With Casemiro's departure already confirmed and Ugarte's dependability in question, it is little wonder that United are focusing on this area. Elliot Anderson is a key target, while Carlos Baleba, Adam Wharton, and Sandro Tonali are also highly regarded at Old Trafford.Despite the setback, Michael Carrick will take comfort from seeing his team's mental resilience in tough circumstances. However, to compete on all fronts, United will require a busy summer of recruitment to address their squad shortcomings.

The 2018 World Cup in Russia served as a high‑profile platform for Vladimir Putin, showcasing his nation and bolstering his personal legitimacy. The tournament was effectively a diplomatic bow to the Kremlin’s ambitions.Fast‑forward to the summer of 2026, and the buildup to the event has taken on a distinctly American flavour, with the competition becoming a backdrop for Donald Trump’s political narrative.The next edition, slated for 2034 in Saudi Arabia, presents a fresh set of challenges. Despite the kingdom’s controversial human‑rights record, the event offers Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman an opportunity to polish his and the nation’s image. FIFA’s current reluctance to enforce independent oversight of migrant‑worker conditions raises fears that construction could be as deadly as the 2022 Qatar experience.These developments underscore a pressing need to insulate the World Cup from the whims of powerful leaders. One proposed solution is to fragment the tournament—treating it like a monopoly that has become too dominant.Evidence that this approach is feasible already exists: the 2026 World Cup will be co‑hosted by three nations, and the 2030 edition is set to span six countries across three continents (Spain, Portugal, Morocco, Argentina, Paraguay, Uruguay).Building on that, the author suggests a radical redesign: allocate each group stage to a different global city—Paris, Rio de Janeiro, Tokyo, Sydney, Johannesburg, London, the Basque Country, and so on. Knock‑out rounds could be broken into three‑match clusters and scattered worldwide, with the semi‑finals, final, and third‑place match awarded to the highest‑bidding venue.Carbon‑footprint concerns are addressed by noting that teams already travel long distances to a single host nation; distributing groups based on the median distance to participating teams would not significantly increase emissions.Financially, the cost of staging a traditional, single‑host World Cup has ballooned, limiting the pool of viable bidders to those seeking political or economic leverage. A decentralized format would dilute any single leader’s ability—whether Trump, Putin, or the Saudi crown prince—to manipulate the event for personal gain.Decentralisation would still align with FIFA’s stated objectives: expanding the sport’s reach, creating a truly global spectacle, and bringing football closer to fans worldwide.While FIFA claims a fiduciary duty to maximise revenue for its 211 member associations—justifying steep ticket prices and controversial sponsorships—the proposed model could actually enhance revenue by turning each small cluster of matches into premium, high‑value events.Precedent exists in the form of Euro 2020, which, despite being postponed by the pandemic, successfully unfolded across 11 European cities, delivering record‑breaking goal tallies and strong attendance figures.In sum, the most effective way to protect the World Cup’s cultural significance and prevent its exploitation by authoritarian figures may be to deconstruct and disperse it globally, turning a single‑host behemoth into a series of interconnected, locally hosted celebrations of the sport.

A federal judge in Miami has dismissed former President Donald Trump’s defamation lawsuit against the Wall Street Journal and News Corp, granting the former president a two‑week deadline to refile the case. Trump’s suit, filed last summer, alleged that a lewd drawing featured in a July 2025 article—purportedly a “bawdy” birthday letter to the late financier Jeffrey Epstein—was fabricated, and that the newspaper published it with actual malice. The complaint also named media mogul Rupert Murdoch, whose News Corp owns the Journal, as a defendant. Judge Darrin P. Gayles ruled that the complaint “fails to adequately allege actual malice,” the legal standard required for defamation actions by public figures. He noted that the Journal had conducted a “significant” inquiry into the authenticity of the drawing and that Trump’s assertion of falsity alone does not prove the newspaper acted with “serious doubts” about the story’s truth. In his opinion, the judge wrote: “Because President Trump has not plausibly alleged that defendants published the article with actual malice, both counts must be dismissed.” He also observed that Trump’s team had not presented evidence of special damages. Under the order, Trump may refile the lawsuit by April 27 with additional proof that the Journal knowingly published false material. A spokesperson for Trump’s legal team confirmed they will pursue a revised filing, emphasizing the administration’s intent to “hold accountable those who traffic in fake news.” The Wall Street Journal and its parent company, Dow Jones, welcomed the decision. A Dow Jones representative said, “We stand behind the reliability, rigor and accuracy of The Wall Street Journal’s reporting.” The dismissal underscores the stringent “actual malice” requirement for defamation suits involving public officials, a threshold that continues to shape media‑law battles in the United States. It also leaves Trump with ongoing litigation against the BBC and other media outlets over separate First Amendment disputes.