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The U.S. House of Representatives voted to prolong Temporary Protected Status (TPS) for an estimated 350,000 Haitian nationals residing in the United States, marking a clear departure from President Donald Trump’s immigration agenda. In a tightly contested vote, the measure passed 224 to 204, with ten Republicans breaking ranks to join the Democratic majority. The legislation would keep TPS in place for an additional three years, citing the persistent violence and political instability that continue to plague Haiti. Following House approval, the bill proceeds to the Senate, where its fate remains uncertain. Should it clear that chamber, Trump has signaled he would veto the extension, setting up a direct showdown between the executive branch and a bipartisan Congress. Democratic Representative Ayanna Pressley, co‑chair of the House Haiti Caucus, hailed the vote as “a monumental victory” and emphasized that the decision reflects both practical policy and humanitarian responsibility. The legislation advanced through a bipartisan discharge petition, a procedural tool that circumvents the Republican leadership’s control of the House agenda, underscoring the urgency lawmakers feel about protecting Haitian residents. President Trump and his administration have repeatedly sought to roll back TPS designations, arguing that prior extensions exceeded executive authority and conflicted with U.S. “national interests.” This stance is part of a broader effort to tighten immigration controls, including proposals to deport Haitian legal permanent residents alleged to have gang ties. TPS, by design, shields foreign nationals already in the U.S. from removal when their home countries face temporary crises such as natural disasters or armed conflict, while also granting limited work authorization. Haiti’s deteriorating security situation—exacerbated since the 2021 assassination of President Jovenel Moïse—has seen powerful gangs dominate large swaths of Port‑au‑Prince, prompting the State Department to issue travel warnings for U.S. citizens. Advocacy groups warn that the looming threat of deportation adds severe stress to Haitian communities in the United States, urging Congress to act swiftly to prevent further trauma. Meanwhile, the Supreme Court is slated to hear a case that could accelerate the administration’s push to rescind deportation protections for both Haitians and Syrians, adding another layer of legal uncertainty to the issue.

Russia's campaign to recruit Central Asian migrants to fight in Ukraine has been marked by coercion and deception. Tens of thousands of labour migrants from countries such as Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, and Kyrgyzstan have been forced to sign up for military service, often under threat of deportation or with promises of financial incentives.Hushruzjon Salohidinov, a 26-year-old Tajik man, is one such migrant who was arrested and threatened with rape in a Russian prison unless he 'volunteered' to fight in Ukraine. He was promised a sign-up bonus of 2 million rubles ($26,200) and a monthly salary of 200,000 rubles ($2,620), but was poorly trained and equipped for combat.Salohidinov was captured by Ukrainian forces in January and is now being held in a prisoner of war facility. He says he is glad to have been captured as it saved him from certain death on the front line. His case is just one of many reported instances of Central Asian migrants being coerced into fighting for Russia in Ukraine.Human rights groups and experts say that Russia's recruitment of migrant soldiers is a deliberate tactic to target vulnerable individuals who are often subject to xenophobia and Islamophobia in Russia. The Kremlin's campaign has been marked by derogatory language and abuse towards migrants, with some officials using threats of deportation to force them into military service.The life expectancy of migrant soldiers on the front line is reportedly just four months, with losses being catastrophic. Despite this, Russia is expected to continue recruiting migrant soldiers to make up for a shortage of willing Russian recruits.

The Leeds Song Festival, a top-tier celebration of the vocal arts, continues to push the envelope with its innovative performances. Director Joseph Middleton's determination to think outside the box while honoring the festival's roots in traditional recitals is evident in two vastly different concerts.The first, 'Haiku', premiered last year in Minnesota and features eight poems taken from a collection of haiku written by Japanese Americans interned during World War II. Baritone Roderick Williams and pianist Iain Burnside brought these distilled musical morsels to life, exploring themes of exile, detention, and deportation.Williams, a master storyteller, breathed life into the songs with his warm vocal embrace and expressive physicality, bringing pain and pathos, wit and wisdom to a kaleidoscopic array of songs. Burnside was his equal, providing a generous and supportive piano accompaniment.The program included highlights such as Gerald Finzi's setting of Thomas Hardy, 'Waiting Both', and Joan Trimble's 'My Grief on the Sea', a delicate Irish love song. The evening ended with Maria Grever's rumba-inflected 'What a Diff'rence a Day Made', a perfect laid-back note.The second concert, 'Dunwich', a festival commission, stretched the idea of a traditional recital to the limit. This haunting soundscape combined field recordings made at the site of Dunwich's last remaining gravestone with Martin Iddon's shape-shifting writing for piano. The piece featured slyly sinister accounts of local ghost stories, delivered by speaker Gillian Jane Lees, and eerie black-and-white videos by Adam York Gregory.

FIFA, the global governing body of football, is under growing pressure to ask U.S. President Donald Trump for a blanket halt to ICE (Immigration and Customs Enforcement) raids during the 2026 World Cup. The request, sourced from anonymous contacts cited by The Athletic, would be presented to FIFA president Gianni Infantino for direct delivery to the White House. According to the report, Infantino is weighing a formal appeal that would seek a "full moratorium on ICE raids across the United States during the World Cup" – a tournament set to kick off on June 11 in eleven host cities spanning the United States, Canada and Mexico. The move comes as the Trump administration intensifies its immigration crackdown, tightening legal pathways and expanding deportation efforts. Critics warn that such policies could target the tournament’s massive international audience, undermining the event’s reputation as a celebration of global unity. When asked by Al Jazeera about any negotiations with FIFA, the White House declined to comment but praised the upcoming competition, with spokesperson Davis Ingle stating, "Thanks to President Trump’s leadership, the FIFA World Cup 2026 will be one of the greatest and most spectacular events in the history of mankind, right here in the United States of America." He added that the event is expected to generate billions of dollars in economic impact and create hundreds of thousands of jobs. Despite the administration’s enthusiastic rhetoric, officials have hinted that immigration agencies could be present at match venues. In February, ICE acting director Todd Lyons told a House committee that the agency would be on the ground for the World Cup, emphasizing that ICE is "a key part of the overall security apparatus for the World Cup" and would not pause operations. Previous incidents have fueled the concern. During last year’s FIFA Club World Cup in the United States, reports surfaced of ICE and Customs and Border Protection officers at stadiums, although the administration denied any enforcement actions took place. Vice President JD Vance recently warned that visitors must adhere to visa terms, suggesting that those who overstay could be subject to the authority of then‑Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem. Noem, who was dismissed in March, had overseen a controversial crackdown in Minnesota that resulted in two civilian deaths and drew accusations of human‑rights violations. FIFA executives see a potential immigration moratorium as a public‑relations win for both the sport’s governing body and the Trump administration. The proposal is also viewed as an opportunity for Infantino to leverage his personal rapport with Trump – a relationship that has attracted scrutiny after Infantino awarded the inaugural FIFA Peace Prize to the president in December, prompting a rights‑group complaint to FIFA’s ethics committee. With the World Cup fast approaching, fans and human‑rights advocates remain uneasy about whether the United States will provide a "safe and welcome" environment for the influx of international visitors.

A three‑judge panel of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit issued a two‑to‑one decision on Tuesday that blocks District Judge James Boasberg from moving forward with contempt hearings against the Trump administration.The case stemmed from Boasberg’s attempt to determine whether officials violated his March 15, 2025 order to turn around two deportation flights while they were airborne. The flights had carried 137 Venezuelan nationals to El Salvador under the rarely used Alien Enemies Act, a 1798 statute granting presidents broad wartime powers.In the majority opinion, Judge Neomi Rao (a Trump appointee) wrote that Boasberg’s contempt inquiry was a “clear abuse of discretion,” noting that the district court’s order did not expressly forbid the transfer of the migrants into Salvadoran custody. She emphasized that criminal contempt applies only to violations of a “clear and specific” order.Judge Justin Walker, also appointed by Trump, joined Rao, while Judge J. Michelle Childs—a Biden appointee—dissented. The split reflects the broader partisan tension surrounding the case.Critics of the deportations argued that invoking the Alien Enemies Act represented presidential overreach and that the rapid operation denied the immigrants due process, including the ability to appeal. Some detainees were later released to Venezuela in a July 2025 prisoner exchange after spending months in El Salvador’s maximum‑security Centre for Terrorism Confinement (CECOT).Acting Attorney General Todd Blanche praised the ruling on X, stating it should “finally end Judge Boasberg’s year‑long campaign against the hardworking Department attorneys doing their jobs fighting illegal immigration.”The decision underscores the judiciary’s role in checking executive immigration actions, especially when emergency court orders intersect with national‑security‑related statutes. It also signals that future attempts to pursue contempt for alleged violations of ambiguous orders may face heightened scrutiny.

The United States' newly disclosed arrangement to transfer certain detainees to third‑country destinations has triggered a wave of criticism across the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). Local authorities and human‑rights groups argue that the deal undermines the DRC's sovereignty and raises serious concerns about the treatment of deportees. While details of the agreement remain limited, the backlash underscores growing tensions over migration policies that involve multiple nations. Critics in the DRC are calling for greater transparency and for the United States to reassess the humanitarian implications of the deportation scheme. Stakeholders emphasize that any such arrangement must comply with international law and respect the rights of individuals facing removal, warning that failure to do so could damage diplomatic relations between the two countries.

Assam, India – Under the sweltering April sun, Akram Ali stood amid the rubble of his four‑room house, a home he had built over 45 years ago. The demolition, part of a government‑led bulldozing operation on March 14, turned his residence into a pile of debris.Bulldozers descended on Islampur, a Muslim‑majority neighbourhood on the outskirts of Guwahati, and for four hours razed homes across 177 hectares (437 acres). The sweep rendered 400 families homeless, including Ali, who now lives in a tarpaulin shanty a few kilometres from his former home.Ali, a daily‑wage worker, told Al Jazeera that despite identifying as Goriya – “son of the soil” – his house was destroyed. The Goriyas are an Assamese‑speaking Muslim community traditionally settled in the tea‑belt region. In 2022, the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) officially recognised the Goriya, along with four other Muslim sub‑groups, as “Indigenous” to Assam.While this designation has afforded the Indigenous Muslims a degree of cultural safety, it has not shielded them from the state’s aggressive land‑clearance drives. Ali questioned the distinction, asking, “Weren’t our homes demolished because we are Muslims?”Muslims make up more than a third of Assam’s 31 million residents, according to the 2011 census. Of these, roughly 6.3 million are Bengali‑speaking “miyas,” often labelled “outsiders,” while about 4 million belong to Indigenous groups like the Goriya.The BJP, led nationally by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, has been courting the Indigenous Muslim vote ahead of the April 2026 state elections, where it seeks a third consecutive term after governing since 2016. Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma, who has spearheaded the party’s crackdown on “miyas” since 2021, claims the government will “never target” Indigenous Muslims.Political analyst Bonojit Hussain explains that the BJP’s outreach serves two purposes: softening its communal image and capturing decisive vote blocks in constituencies where Indigenous Muslims and Hindus together decide the outcome. In seats such as Nalbari, where Indigenous Muslims account for over 25 % of the electorate, and Barkhetri, with roughly 80,000 Muslim voters, the community’s support can swing the result.Upper Assam, a region with a strong Assamese‑speaking identity, is especially critical. Journalist Firoz Khan notes that Indigenous Muslims influence the outcome in seven or eight of the 39 seats there, prompting the BJP to temper its overtly anti‑Muslim rhetoric in the area.Despite the party’s overtures, many Indigenous Muslims remain skeptical. Moinul Islam, spokesperson for the rights group Sadou Asom Goria Jatiya Parishad, warned that the BJP’s broader anti‑Muslim policies—evictions, voter‑list objections, and alleged deportations—are unlikely to win their votes.Earlier in 2025, similar demolition drives displaced hundreds of Goriya families in Lakhimpur and Golaghat districts, and a systematic campaign to challenge Muslim names on electoral rolls further strained relations.BJP spokesman Kishore Upadhyay dismissed the allegations as “malicious, biased and politically motivated,” but Indigenous groups argue the pattern signals an attempt to erase their cultural legacy.Recent actions by the state government reinforce this perception. Chief Minister Sarma renamed the only medical college in Barpeta—previously bearing the name of Goriya freedom fighter Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed—arguing that institutions should reflect their geographic location. Critics view the move as symbolic of a broader effort to marginalise Muslim contributions to Assam’s history.In December 2025, Sarma also proposed dropping the hyphen in “Sankar‑Azan,” a name that celebrated the syncretic legacy of 15th‑century polymath Srimanta Sankardev and 17th‑century Sufi saint Azan Peer. Communist Party member Isfaqur Rahman warned that such revisions reflect a “slow erasure of Assamese Muslim heritage.”For Ali, the demolition has hardened his political stance. “After being evicted, the chief minister called us illegal immigrants and broke our backs by destroying our homes,” he said. “We are the new miyas.”

The United States government has reaffirmed its position that it plans to deport Salvadoran immigrant Kilmar Abrego Garcia to Liberia, despite arguments that doing so would be vindictive.On Tuesday, lawyers for the administration of President Donald Trump told US federal judge Paula Xinis that it remains committed to Liberia as a destination.Abrego Garcia, however, has said that, if he must be deported, he would prefer to be sent to Costa Rica, and the government there has indicated it would accept him.But the Trump administration’s insistence on sending Abrego Garcia to Africa has raised questions about its motive.Critics have accused the US government of seeking retribution against Abrego Garcia, whose case has spurred scrutiny over the legality of Trump’s mass deportation campaign.The case began with a high-profile mistake. In March 2025, less than three months into Trump’s second term, Abrego Garcia was wrongfully deported to his native El Salvador, in violation of a 2019 protection order that found he could face gang violence if returned to the country.The Trump administration, at the time, described Abrego Garcia’s removal as an “administrative error”.Still, it initially refused to seek his return, arguing that Abrego Garcia was a gang member and that, once abroad, he was subject to El Salvador’s leadership. Abrego Garcia, though, had no criminal record at the time of his deportation.Abrego Garcia was imprisoned, first at El Salvador’s Terrorism Confinement Centre (CECOT) and later in a second prison in Santa Ana, El Salvador.Meanwhile, lawyers in the US had turned to US courts to reverse his deportation.In early April 2025, Judge Xinis ruled that the US government had to “facilitate” Abrego Garcia’s return to the country, and later that month, the US Supreme Court upheld her ruling in a unanimous decision.But it was only in June 2025 that Abrego Garcia was brought back to the US. In announcing Abrego Garcia’s return, the Trump administration revealed it would be filing criminal charges against him for human smuggling.He pleaded not guilty, but was forced to remain in jail. The Trump administration had deemed him a flight risk, and his own lawyers feared that stepping out of his jail cell would land him in immigration detention instead.When a court ordered his release in August, this is exactly what happened: Immigration agents took him back into custody within days.Authorities at the time said they would deport him to Uganda. Later, they changed the proposed destination to Liberia.Abrego Garcia was ultimately freed from immigration detention in December, but he continues to fight both his criminal charges and his deportation proceedings.At Tuesday’s hearing, Judge Xinis questioned why the Trump administration would not consider deporting Abrego Garcia to Costa Rica instead of Liberia.She pointed out that the country had recently inked an agreement to accept 25 removals from the US per week.In response, Ernesto Molina, the director of the Justice Department’s Office of Immigration Litigation, suggested that Abrego Garcia could “remove himself” to Costa Rica.But Xinis called the proposal a “fantasy” and noted that he cannot leave as long as the Justice Department is prosecuting him on criminal charges. He is legally required to attend his criminal hearings.After the tense exchange, Xinis set another hearing on the matter for April 28.

The Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) announced that it will start receiving "third‑country" nationals deported from the United States this month, following a newly‑signed arrangement with the Trump administration. The Congolese Ministry of Communications confirmed the upcoming arrivals but did not disclose the expected number of deportees.Described by Kinshasa as a temporary measure, the deal is framed as a demonstration of the DRC’s "commitment to human dignity and international solidarity." Under the terms, the United States will bear all costs, meaning the Congolese government incurs no financial burden.The agreement arrives amid broader U.S. diplomatic efforts to broker a peace settlement between the DRC and Rwanda and to secure American access to the region’s critical minerals. Analysts suggest the deportation pact may be leveraged as diplomatic goodwill in these negotiations.Human‑rights advocates have sharply criticized the practice of third‑country deportations. The United States has previously transferred migrants to African states such as Ghana, Cameroon, Equatorial Guinea and Eswatini, prompting legal challenges and concerns over due‑process violations. In Uganda, legal groups recently announced that a dozen deportees were slated to arrive under a similar deal, with the Uganda Law Society filing a court challenge."Our perspective of the matter is broader than a single act of deportation. We view it as but one gust from the ill winds of transnational repression that are blowing across our world," said Asiimwe Anthony, vice‑president of the Uganda Law Society.The US Committee for Refugees and Immigrants notes that third‑country deportations have been systematically pursued since February 2025, raising serious due‑process and safety concerns for individuals who have no choice over their destination.According to a report by the Democratic staff of the US Senate Foreign Relations Committee, the Trump administration has already spent $40 million to relocate roughly 300 migrants to nations where they are not citizens, underscoring the scale and financial commitment of the policy.