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Scientists have made a groundbreaking discovery, identifying a distinct 'neural fingerprint' produced by psychedelic drugs in the human brain when users experience their mind-altering effects.This breakthrough finding emerged from a comprehensive study that combined 11 brain imaging datasets from around the world, involving over 500 brain scans from 267 people in five countries. The research focused on five psychedelic substances: LSD, psilocybin, DMT, mescaline, and ayahuasca.The study revealed that these substances have a shared impact on the brain's behavior, dissolving the usual hierarchy of brain systems and flattening the hierarchy, which may underlie the raw access to one's own consciousness that some people describe during psychedelic experiences.Dr. Danilo Bzdok, a senior author on the study from McGill University in Montreal, Canada, explained that all five drugs change brain function in common ways, despite some differences in how they alter brain activity. The most striking effect was stronger communication between brain networks that engage in higher-level thinking and more primitive networks linked to vision and sensation.The research, published in Nature Medicine, provides a solid foundation for psychedelic research, which is crucial if these drugs are to become widespread therapies for mental health conditions such as depression, schizophrenia, and post-traumatic stress disorder.Dr. Emmanuel Stamatakis, a senior co-author on the study from the University of Cambridge, emphasized the importance of large-scale, coordinated evidence in the field of psychedelic research, which is moving quickly and needs to mature responsibly.

In the face of a downbeat hospitality trend in the UK, food halls are emerging as a beacon of hope, offering a diverse culinary experience that is proving resilient to economic challenges. The Cambridge Street Collective in Sheffield, Europe's largest purpose-built food hall at 20,000 sq ft, exemplifies this trend. Opened in 2024, it features a variety of vendors offering everything from sushi tacos to Palestinian cuisine.The food hall sector is experiencing significant growth, with major UK cities averaging £5.6m in annual revenue and a year-on-year growth rate of 10.75%. This growth is attributed to the shared infrastructure and risk model, where vendors pay a cut of their sales each month, and the owner covers costs such as energy and staffing. This model allows for a lower-risk entry point for entrepreneurs and innovative food concepts.65 new food halls are currently in development across the UK, including a 60,000 sq ft venue in Newcastle and a growing scene in cities like Manchester, Liverpool, and London. These food halls are not just about food; they offer a community space where people can work, socialize, and enjoy a variety of cuisines.Matt Farrell, founder of Bold Street Coffee, notes that food halls have become incubators for new businesses, providing opportunities for operators who can't afford traditional sites. James Cowan of Blend Collective, the owner of Cambridge Street Collective, emphasizes the importance of hosting local businesses and keeping the offering fresh.Successful food hall vendors have gone on to open their own brick-and-mortar restaurants, such as Baity, a Palestinian chain with sites in multiple cities, and Bao, which started in London's Netil Market. These success stories highlight the potential for food halls to foster culinary innovation and entrepreneurship.While some may wonder if the UK has reached peak food hall, industry experts believe there is still room for growth, particularly in areas with high demand and limited offerings. As the economic climate continues to evolve, food halls are likely to remain a vibrant part of the UK's culinary landscape.

Oxford's women's crew delivered a stunning performance in the Boat Race, overcoming Cambridge and ending an 8-year drought without a win. Led by Olympic medallist Heidi Long, the team forged a significant lead early on and maintained it despite challenging conditions.The women's race took place on a windy and overcast day in London, with tens of thousands of spectators lining the 6.8km course. Oxford's crew demonstrated remarkable resilience, with Heidi Long praising her teammates and the team's collective effort.In contrast, Cambridge's men's crew asserted their dominance, winning by 4 lengths in a challenging race. The victory marked Cambridge's 89th win overall, with their coach Rob Baker expressing pride in the team's performance.Oxford's women's coach, Allan French, highlighted the team's dedication and perseverance, noting that their achievement was years in the making. The victory marked Oxford's 31st win in the women's race since its inception in 1927.

The weekend's sports action kicks off with FA Cup quarter-final matches and the start of the county cricket season. In the FA Cup, Manchester City hosts Liverpool at the Etihad, with both teams seeking to advance to the semi-finals. Chelsea takes on Port Vale at Stamford Bridge, while Southampton faces Arsenal at St Mary's. In county cricket, Nottinghamshire begins their title defense against Somerset at Taunton. The season's early rounds will also see Surrey, the 2022, 2023, and 2024 champions, in action with a strong lineup including Alec Stewart, Ollie Pope, and Jamie Smith. Additionally, the 197-year-old Boat Races on the Thames between Oxford and Cambridge will take place, with the women's race followed by the men's. This event has moved to a new TV home on Channel 4 as part of a five-year broadcast deal. On Sunday, a bumper Easter Sunday schedule features multiple FA Cup matches, including West Ham vs Leeds and Livingston vs Hearts in the Scottish Premiership.

Channel 4 is poised to shake up the traditional Boat Races with its debut coverage of the event, bringing a fresh perspective and new talent to the table. The network has acquired the broadcasting rights from the BBC, signaling a significant change in the event's media landscape. The Boat Races, a storied competition between Oxford and Cambridge universities, has been a staple of British sport since 1829. This year's event promises to be exciting, with Oxford's Heidi Long, a bronze medalist in the women's eight at Paris 2024, leading the charge against Cambridge's dominant women's team. Clare Balding, previously the face of the BBC's coverage, will continue as presenter, joined by newcomers Jamie Laing, a reality TV star and Radio 1 DJ, and Ade Adepitan, a TV presenter and Londoner. The on-screen team aims to bring a new dynamic to the event, appealing to a younger demographic. The production company, FilmNova, brings four years of experience from BBC broadcasts and has planned several innovations, including relatable comparisons and humanizing the rowers. One highlight is a 'fantasy boat' featuring well-known sportspeople, such as Serena Williams and Frankie Dettori. The Boat Races also shed light on pressing issues like Thames Water's mismanagement and sewage pollution in Britain's waterways, adding a layer of depth to the event. As Channel 4 takes the reins, the athletes can focus on their goals, with Long and her Oxford teammates striving to end Cambridge's eight consecutive wins. Heidi Long's remarkable story, balancing rowing with medical studies and personal loss, exemplifies the dedication and resilience of the athletes. Her leadership and experience are seen as key factors in Oxford's bid for victory.

Europe’s attention is fixed on Hungary’s parliamentary election scheduled for April 12, a contest many analysts view as a litmus test for the bloc’s cohesion on foreign‑policy, defence, energy and migration. Since coming to power, Prime Minister Viktor Orban has consistently blocked EU initiatives: he has refused to join a common asylum framework, opposed a joint defence scheme, resisted the shift toward renewable‑energy independence while still importing Russian hydrocarbons, and vetoed both Ukraine’s accession talks and a proposed €90 billion low‑interest loan package for Kyiv. These actions have made Hungary the most disruptive member state in the Union, prompting observers to argue that the election’s outcome will reverberate far beyond Budapest’s borders. Greek conservative MP Angelos Syrigos warned that the EU is plagued by “fanatically Trump‑like and pro‑Russian” governments, naming Hungary and Slovakia as examples. He told Al Jazeera that the constant threat of an Orban veto forces other capitals to seek ad‑hoc compromises rather than genuine consensus. Opposition leader Peter Magyar of the Tisza party is campaigning on a pro‑European platform, pledging a binding referendum on Ukraine’s membership, a crackdown on corruption, the release of billions in frozen EU funds, and a reversal of Hungary’s withdrawal from the International Criminal Court. Current polls give Tisza roughly 50 % of the vote, a ten‑point lead over the ruling Fidesz, though the political landscape remains fluid. Even a Magyar victory would not automatically resolve the EU’s structural challenges. Other illiberal leaders—such as Slovakia’s Robert Fico and the Czech Republic’s Andrej Babiš—could step into a vacuum of obstructionism. Nevertheless, some scholars argue that Orban’s habit of breaking consensus has forced the Union to become more pragmatic. At a December 2023 summit, EU leaders temporarily excluded Orban to secure unanimous approval of Ukraine’s candidate status, later offering Hungary a €10 billion release of blocked funds as an incentive. Professor Katalin Miklossy of the University of Helsinki explained that the EU has shifted from a rigid, rule‑bound approach to a more flexible, problem‑solving mindset, saying, “We were weak when we clung to the book; now we act more practically.” Should Orban remain in power, the bloc is considering a workaround: issuing 26 bilateral loans to Ukraine from member states, bypassing any single‑country veto. Historical precedent exists. In 2010, when Greece’s debt crisis threatened the euro, EU members created the Greek Loan Facility—an ad‑hoc series of bilateral loans that compensated for the lack of a common rescue fund. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy has warned that delays in funding could leave the Ukrainian army under‑resourced, underscoring the geopolitical stakes of the Hungarian vote. The EU’s inability to move from unanimity to qualified‑majority voting—an ambition thwarted by failed French and Dutch referenda in 2005—has amplified Orban’s leverage. Yet the Union continues to evolve, having launched a common bond in 2020 to revive the pandemic‑hit economy and, since Russia’s 2022 invasion, channeling resources into a nascent European defence union. Orban’s recent reversal on the €90 billion Ukraine loan—after Kyiv refused to repair the Druzhba pipeline damaged by a Russian bomb—illustrates the volatility of his stance. He initially agreed to the loan in December, on the condition that Hungary, Slovakia and the Czech Republic would not be required to co‑sign, only to withdraw support a month later. Even if Magyar secures a parliamentary majority, the promised loan may not materialise immediately. Cambridge‑based expert Victoria Vdovychenko notes that a decision made in December 2025 to disburse funds from January 2026 has already stalled, with the next realistic window possibly in June. Academics stress that a Tisza victory would deliver a psychological boost to the EU and its trans‑Atlantic partners, injecting confidence into a system battling “stealth creep of illiberalism” and economic disenfranchisement. Professor SM Amadae of Cambridge’s Centre for the Study of Existential Risk warned that while a change in Hungary could energise citizens, the entrenched gerrymandering and patronage networks of Fidesz present formidable obstacles to lasting reform. In sum, the April 12 election is more than a domestic contest; it is a pivotal moment that could reshape the EU’s decision‑making architecture, determine the flow of critical aid to Ukraine, and signal the future trajectory of populist politics across Europe.

When billionaire hedge‑fund manager Chris Rokos announced a £190 million contribution to the University of Cambridge, the move instantly became the largest single donation to any UK university in modern history. The funds will establish a new “school of government” aimed at bridging policy, science and emerging technologies. Rokos, a 55‑year‑old Oxford graduate, has amassed an estimated £2.6 billion fortune, primarily through his firm Rokos Capital Management (RCM), which he founded in 2015 after a high‑profile stint at Brevan Howard. RCM now oversees **over £22 billion** in assets, employs roughly 350 staff, and operates from offices in London, New York, Singapore and Abu Dhabi. In the most recent fiscal year ending March, Rokos paid himself nearly £500 million, according to Companies House filings, reflecting the firm’s strong performance amid volatile markets. Beyond finance, Rokos has kept a remarkably low public profile. He famously declined to provide a photograph when launching a £500 million fund in 2007, and he has avoided media attention despite owning one of England’s most expensive private residences. The £175 million refurbishment of the Grade I‑listed Tottenham House in Wiltshire – featuring a tennis pavilion, private cinema, basement squash court and a proposed “subterranean family link” to a pool house – has drawn local council scrutiny but stands as a tangible testament to his wealth. Rokos’s career trajectory began in banking at UBS and Goldman Sachs, moving to Credit Suisse where he was recruited by Alan Howard. He later joined the founding team of Brevan Howard in 2002, generating roughly $4 billion (≈£3 billion) in investor profits and about £600 million for himself before departing in 2012. His philanthropic philosophy emphasizes diversity of thought. In a video released by Cambridge, Rokos warned that a school populated only by “centrist, socially liberal” voices would be a failure, insisting on a broad spectrum of intellectual viewpoints. Earlier this year, RCM’s exploratory talks to bring former UK business secretary Peter Mandelson onto its advisory board collapsed after revelations about Mandelson’s connections to the late Jeffrey Epstein. Rokos also ranks among the UK’s biggest taxpayers and maintains a family office in Mayfair. A lingering legal dispute over a five‑year non‑compete clause with a former employer was settled out of court, clearing the way for his current venture. Overall, the record‑breaking Cambridge donation not only reshapes the university’s academic landscape but also underscores how hedge‑fund wealth is increasingly channeled into high‑impact philanthropy, blurring the lines between finance, education and public policy.

British hedge‑fund billionaire Chris Rokos has announced a £190 million endowment to the University of Cambridge to create a new, eponymous school of government. The pledge, comprising an initial £130 million and a further commitment of up to £60 million that the university will match, is believed to be the largest single donation ever made to a UK university. The Rokos School of Government is slated to open in temporary facilities this autumn, offering PhD and master’s programmes focused on public policy, leadership and governance. In the longer term it will relocate to a purpose‑built campus within Cambridge’s West Innovation District, positioning itself as a direct rival to Oxford’s Blavatnik School of Government, which was launched in 2010 with a £75 million gift. Rokos, 55, rose from a state primary school to a scholarship at Eton and a mathematics degree at Oxford before co‑founding the hedge fund Brevan Howard and later establishing Rokos Capital Management, which now employs over 350 staff. He is listed on the Sunday Times Rich List with an estimated net worth of £2.6 billion and is among the UK’s biggest taxpayers. Speaking about the donation, Rokos said, "I was fortunate to be given an education that transformed my life, and I would like to give something back to Britain. My hope is that, in time, the influence of the Rokos School of Government across the world becomes an important element of that soft power, which has been a great asset to the UK." University officials framed the new school as a response to “growing turbulence in domestic and international politics, increasing polarisation of political opinion, and long‑term structural changes in the economy.” The institution aims to provide a “unique forum for radical and remarkable thinking,” leveraging Cambridge’s tradition of scientific innovation and interdisciplinary collaboration. Vice‑chancellor Prof. Deborah Prentice added, "Tackling the enormous challenges facing our world requires radical new ways of thinking and approaches to leadership. Cambridge’s strengths across all disciplines and its convening power make it uniquely positioned to drive this innovation. Thanks to Chris’s generous support, the Rokos School will become a place where current and future leaders, together with experts from across our institution, generate the insights and solutions needed for a rapidly changing world." The school’s establishment also reflects a broader trend of private wealth shaping public‑policy education in the UK, echoing similar high‑profile gifts such as Leonard Blavatnik’s £75 million donation to Oxford. By creating a dedicated hub for governance studies, Rokos hopes to cement Cambridge’s role as a training ground for future world leaders and to reinforce Britain’s international influence. Rokos Capital Management recently made headlines when talks to appoint former UK ambassador Peter Mandelson as an adviser were terminated following renewed scrutiny of the Epstein scandal, underscoring the complex interplay between finance, politics and public perception. The £190 million endowment not only marks a milestone for UK higher‑education philanthropy but also signals a strategic investment in the development of policy expertise that could shape global governance for decades to come.

A leading Rembrandt scholar, Gary Schwartz, has concluded that a portrait titled 'Old Man with a Gold Chain' and dated to the early 1630s is, in fact, an authentic work by the 17th-century Dutch master. The painting, which has been on loan from Sir Francis Newman, a Cambridge-based entrepreneur, has been reunited with its counterpart at the Art Institute of Chicago.Each of the paintings depicts an older man wearing a gold chain and a plumed hat. For almost four centuries, the two portraits have been separated, with the Chicago version considered the undisputed original. The Newman portrait, slightly smaller and painted on canvas, was previously labelled as a 'copy' by an artist in Rembrandt's workshop.However, Schwartz's research suggests that both paintings are by Rembrandt. He argues that the quality of the brushwork and the practice of Dutch artists creating replicas of their own paintings support this conclusion. In 1699, a French contemporary of Rembrandt noted that it was common for Dutch artists to repeat their works.X-ray and infrared imaging of the Chicago picture revealed underdrawing and adjustments to the man's costume, which were absent from the Newman canvas. This led Schwartz to conclude that the Newman painting was not a workshop reproduction but an original work by Rembrandt.The Hamilton Kerr Institute at the University of Cambridge found that the UK version's canvas and colour pigments matched those used by Rembrandt and his studio. If confirmed as a Rembrandt, the painting will go to a museum, according to Newman.