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In 2020, several nations—including the UK and India—announced ambitious bans on new internal‑combustion‑engine vehicles, while Norway already saw around 60% of new car sales being electric. Australia, however, remained on a different trajectory. Former Prime Minister Scott Morrison dismissed a Labor proposal for a non‑binding 50% electric‑vehicle target by 2030, claiming it would “end the weekend.” The Coalition ignored analyses suggesting that a robust emissions‑cut scheme could deliver a $14 billion net benefit by 2040, and later abandoned plans for an EV‑specific strategy. Five years on, the Albanese government has introduced a vehicle‑efficiency standard mandating annual reductions in average emissions from new cars. Though a long‑awaited move, the policy’s impact will be incremental rather than transformative. March saw a record number of Australians purchasing EVs, yet the market share remains modest—still under 15% of new car sales, up only slightly from 13% in 2025. With fuel prices soaring amid the Iran conflict, the majority of vehicles leaving showrooms are still powered by petrol or diesel, and many will stay on the road for the next 15‑20 years. One bright spot is the surge in second‑hand EV sales, which more than doubled last month despite a tiny baseline. Higher resale values are encouraging broader adoption by making electric cars financially accessible to a larger pool of buyers. Globally, electric vehicles accounted for roughly 25% of new car sales last year. In Australia, the price differential between comparable petrol and electric models averages around 20%, a significant barrier for many consumers. That gap is narrowing, and the potential savings for EV drivers are substantial. Data from energy analyst Simon Holmes à Court—using Amber electricity retailer figures—show that an EV can travel over 40 km per $1 of energy, whereas a conventional car manages less than 5 km per $1 of fuel. Amber’s own smart‑charging platform suggests the distance could reach 160 km per $1 under optimal conditions. Despite such evidence, Australian political discourse often struggles to envision a low‑fossil‑fuel future. Calls for expanded oil exploration, such as Queensland Premier David Crisafulli’s claim of a “sea of oil” in the Taroom trough, lack substantiation and would likely involve costly, long‑term development with uncertain returns. Compounding the issue, the mining sector—Australia’s biggest diesel consumer—receives a 52‑cent‑per‑litre rebate under a national fuel‑tax credit scheme, effectively subsidising over $1 billion annually for diesel use in coal mines. This incentive discourages investment in cleaner truck technologies, even as the safeguard mechanism attempts to curb emissions. Policy recommendations include tightening the vehicle‑efficiency standard to accelerate the shift toward cleaner cars, removing parallel‑import restrictions to boost the supply of affordable second‑hand EVs (as practiced in New Zealand), and reconsidering any road‑user charges on electric vehicles, which currently represent less than 2% of the total fleet. International examples offer guidance: China jump‑started its EV boom by issuing “green” licence plates and imposing hefty fees for fossil‑fuel plates, effectively raising the cost of owning a petrol car by up to $20,000. In sum, Australia’s delayed embrace of electric mobility not only hampers climate goals but also forfeits billions in economic gains. A decisive, well‑targeted policy overhaul could unlock significant consumer savings, reduce emissions, and align the nation with global EV trends.

The Australian Greens are calling on the federal government to apply direct diplomatic and economic pressure on Israel to end its intensive air strikes on Lebanon, describing the conflict as a “disastrous, illegal, immoral war.” Party defence spokesperson David Shoebridge said Australia should join the growing list of nations demanding that southern Lebanon be part of the cease‑fire framework being negotiated between the United States and Iran. Prime Minister Anthony Albanese and Foreign Minister Penny Wong have already signalled that Lebanon must be included in any cease‑fire agreement, but Shoebridge argued that mere statements are insufficient. He told ABC Radio that “Penny Wong saying she’s gravely concerned will not stop the illegal bombing or the plan to turn southern Lebanon into a new Gaza.” Lebanese authorities report that the war, which began in April, has already claimed the lives of more than 1,700 civilians, with over 300 deaths recorded in a single 24‑hour period following the announcement of a cease‑fire in the Iran conflict. To exert tangible pressure, Shoebridge proposed that Australia cancel more than $1 billion in Israeli arms contracts. He argued that such a move would not only address the moral outrage over the attacks but also deliver “real material pressure” on Israel to withdraw its forces. The Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade has warned Australians to avoid travel to Lebanon and is urging residents to leave while commercial flights remain available, citing a rapidly deteriorating humanitarian situation, displacement crises, and the risk of sudden airspace closures. In a separate development, former Prime Minister Tony Abbott urged the government to deploy troops alongside U.S. forces, claiming Australia had “betrayed our values and long‑term national interest.” Abbott framed the conflict as part of a broader effort to curb Iran’s nuclear ambitions and protect freedom of navigation in the Hormuz Strait. His remarks were rebuffed by Health Minister Mark Butler, who emphasized that Australia’s current support is limited to defensive assistance for the United Arab Emirates and that there is no public appetite for offensive deployments in the Middle East. Energy Minister Chris Bowen reiterated that any cease‑fire must extend across the region, stating that “Lebanese people have the same rights as anyone else in the Middle East” and that Israel should honour the cease‑fire “in both letter and spirit.”

On 23 June 2016, the United Kingdom’s electorate shifted from party‑centric voting to a binary choice between staying in or leaving the European Union. A decade later, about 60 % of the population still define themselves by the side they chose in that single referendum, turning a one‑off political decision into a lasting personal identity.While analysts often focus on the policy fallout—economic turbulence, party infighting, and shifting trade relations—the real impact runs deeper. The referendum ignited a civil‑war‑like split that continues to shape elections, media narratives, and everyday conversations across the country.Before the global upheavals of the George Floyd protests and the Covid‑19 vaccine rollout, Brexit was Britain’s most potent form of identity politics. It spawned new media outlets, such as GB News, and programmes like The Rest Is Politics, while also marginalising older cultural tropes like the “centrist dad” or “gammon” heckler on Question Time. Figures such as Nigel Farage and Zack Polanski now occupy the political fringe rather than the mainstream.The analysis draws on the new book Tribal Politics: How Brexit Divided Britain by political scientists Sara Hobolt and James Tilley. Their longitudinal surveys reveal a simple yet striking pattern: the referendum transformed a previously lukewarm public attitude toward the EU into a powerful, identity‑based habit.Prior to 2016, most Britons held only a mild Euroscepticism and gave the EU little thought. Even former Prime Minister David Cameron tried to silence the issue in 2006, believing it failed to engage voters. The sudden elevation of a niche concern to a national obsession forced ordinary citizens to pick a side, discuss it in pubs, and embed it into their self‑image—a process James Clear describes as building “identity‑based habits”.Data from Hobolt and Tilley show that emotional attachment to the Brexit identity was modest before the vote, rose sharply as the referendum approached, and surged dramatically after the result was announced. The post‑vote period saw a flood of EU‑themed merchandise, street rallies, and even flag‑clashes at cultural events such as the 2017 Last Night of the Proms.Crucially, the tribal divide has not faded. By 2025, only around 40 % of “Leavers” feel comfortable discussing politics with “Remainers”, and the sentiment is reciprocated. This goes beyond mere disagreement; it reflects a level of social discrimination where individuals on opposite sides would hesitate to share a home or marry into each other’s families.The authors note that the split now extends to perceptions of reality itself. Even in 2024, Remainers and Leavers disagreed on basic economic indicators, illustrating how the referendum reshaped not just policy preferences but fundamental worldviews.Class‑based voting, which dominated the 20th‑century British political landscape, has been largely supplanted by this new cultural cleavage. A previous study co‑authored by Tilley showed that the Labour Party’s turn toward the political centre in the 1990s eroded traditional working‑class loyalty. Today, leader Keir Starmer’s working‑class credentials appear largely symbolic, offering little substantive change.With class politics receded, culture wars have taken centre stage. The Brexit campaign’s vague promises about trade left the nation with a protracted, messy adjustment period. Immigration, famously dubbed the “baseball bat” issue by Dominic Cummings, remains the most polarising policy divide, followed by foreign aid and even the death penalty.Hobolt and Tilley’s most striking chart shows that while Remainers and Leavers clash over immigration, they share little disagreement on economic equality, workers’ rights, or public ownership—issues that directly affect household incomes. This suggests that the political battle is driven more by symbolic identity than by material concerns, benefitting those already financially secure.In sum, the United Kingdom’s post‑Brexit reality is one of entrenched tribalism, where a single referendum has reshaped social bonds, political discourse, and perceptions of truth itself. The nation continues to grapple with the legacy of a vote that turned a policy decision into a lasting cultural fault line.

As the 2026 local and regional elections draw nearer, the spectre of Trussonomics looms large over the British political landscape. From the Conservatives to the Greens, parties are unveiling extravagant fiscal promises that they claim can be funded by cuts elsewhere or additional borrowing, while insisting the broader economy will remain unharmed. Critics warn that any adverse effects will inevitably be shifted onto people and businesses outside the parties' core constituencies, effectively socialising the risk. Only Keir Starmer and his Labour cabinet appear to resist the pressure to re‑engineer the economy without acknowledging inevitable spill‑overs or extra costs. Former Prime Minister Liz Truss famously pledged £45 bn of tax cuts, financed through extra borrowing and so‑called welfare “efficiencies”. The plan was pitched as a catalyst for an entrepreneurial surge that would lift the UK out of a prolonged period of low productivity. Heading into May’s local polls, the Conservatives are touting a new “big‑spending” agenda after recent welfare cuts, highlighted by a headline pledge to shrink the welfare bill by £23 bn. Shadow Chancellor Mel Stride declared that the “culture of ‘something for nothing’ must end, now”. Green Party leader Zack Polanski has softened some of his party’s more radical proposals, yet the manifesto remains vague. Earlier drafts featured a litany of “free lunches”, signalling an ambition to raise taxes by **more than £170 bn a year** by the end of the next parliament. Key components of the Green plan include a £90 bn annual carbon tax and a matching increase in day‑to‑day public spending, alongside a proposed £90 bn boost to the capital‑spending budget (raising it from £160 bn to £250 bn per year). Reform UK has embraced Trussonomics with gusto, promising to raise the income‑tax threshold from £12,570 to £20,000 – a move that would cost the exchequer **over £40 bn each year**. Underlying many of these pledges is a belief that the UK can reverse a century of economic decline with a “magician’s wand”, ignoring potential repercussions for financial markets, trading partners, and a rapidly disintegrating global order. While the article briefly references the United States and France, the French electorate’s recent rejection of similarly flamboyant policies in local elections serves as a cautionary tale: voters in key cities like Paris and Marseille opted for centrist candidates over the radical platforms of Marine Le Pen’s National Rally and Jean‑Luc Mélenchon’s LFI. The broader context is a decade marked by two major wars, a quantum technological shift, and accelerating climate change – none of which offer quick‑fix solutions. Labour’s economic strategy, championed by Rachel Reeves, hinges on an early‑parliament spending surge intended to generate growth before the next general election. However, the damage inflicted by the previous government is still being reassessed, with the public‑finance gap now appearing larger than the £22 bn initially highlighted by Reeves. Labour still holds considerable funds earmarked for investment, but bureaucratic inertia in Whitehall hampers swift action, and Starmer bears responsibility for this paralysis. Demonstrating tangible returns on public spending – with HS2 currently the sole benchmark – could justify future tax increases on higher earners, provided the money is not wasted. In an uncertain world, the article argues that rational, evidence‑based governance is preferable to “outlandish initiatives” that create a multitude of losers. Ultimately, the piece concludes that Truss’s experiment was a disaster not merely because of the misguided belief that tax cuts can drive sustainable growth in a mature economy, but because it relied on an imagined “escape hatch” to propel the UK to a higher economic plane.

Italy awoke on Wednesday in a state of anger and disbelief after the Azzurri were eliminated from the FIFA World Cup 2026 qualification by a 4-1 penalty shoot‑out defeat to Bosnia and Herzegovina, following a 1‑1 draw in regular time.The loss represents the third straight playoff elimination for Italy – previous setbacks came against Sweden and North Macedonia – and has revived what the front page of Corriere della Sera dubbed the "World Cup curse."Italian media, including La Gazzetta dello Sport and Corriere dello Sport, echoed the sentiment with headlines proclaiming “We’re all staying at home,” underscoring the depth of national disappointment.Key moments in the match included a red card for Alessandro Bastoni in the 42nd minute for a last‑man tackle, a turning point that shifted momentum despite Italy leading at the time.Fans expressed their shock and frustration: "Everything went badly from the start of the match. The team wasn’t good, players out of form… it makes no sense," said Davide Caldaretta, a spectator in a Rome pub, to Reuters.Melanie Cardillo, also speaking to Reuters, described herself as “really upset and disappointed,” adding that the repeated failures have eroded hope.Beyond football, Italy recently celebrated a record 30 medals at the Milan‑Cortina Winter Olympics and 40 medals at the 2024 Paris Summer Games, highlighting the country's broader sporting prowess, from speed skater Francesca Lollobrigida to tennis champion Jannik Sinner.Nevertheless, the football debacle prompted a political backlash. Sport Minister Andrea Abodi called on FIGC President Gabriele Gravina to resign, stating, "Italian football needs to be rebuilt from the ground up, starting with changes at the top of the FIGC."Gravina refused to step down, noting that a board meeting next week will determine his future. Tensions have risen between the government and the federation, with Gravina accusing the state of treating football as a "state sport" while favoring other disciplines.Former Prime Minister Matteo Renzi weighed in, calling the elimination “unfortunately not an April Fool’s joke” and emphasizing that football is integral to Italy’s cultural identity.In response to Gravina’s remarks, speed skater Francesca Lollobrigida posted sarcastically on Instagram, "I’m an amateur," underscoring the broader debate over responsibility for the missed qualification.As Italy prepares for the next board meeting, the nation faces a pivotal moment: whether to overhaul its football governance or continue grappling with a perceived "curse" that has kept the Azzurri out of the world stage for three consecutive cycles.

Italy’s national team endured a 4‑1 penalty‑shootout defeat to Bosnia and Herzegovina in the World Cup 2026 qualifying playoff, confirming a third consecutive failure to reach the finals. The loss, described by Italian media as a “World Cup curse” and a “Third apocalypse,” has reverberated far beyond the stadium. Valentino del Duca, a restaurant worker in Rome, summed up the mood: “We are a population of failures. End of story.” His sentiment echoed across the capital, where fans like Gabriele Alfano lamented the missed opportunity after a hopeful win over Northern Ireland the week before. Alfano pointed to a deeper issue: “Italian football is no longer producing young talent. I remember streets full of kids playing ball; now they’re more into tennis,” he said, referencing Jannik Sinner’s recent Miami Masters triumph. The sporting disaster quickly became a political flashpoint. The League party, part of Giorgia Meloni’s governing coalition, called the outcome “an unacceptable disgrace” and demanded the resignation of federation president Gabriele Gravina. Former prime minister Matteo Renzi added that the repeated eliminations signal a systemic failure, noting that football is “part of our culture and national identity.” Long‑time resident Gustavo Sosa, originally from Argentina, observed that Italy’s loss of composure after being reduced to ten men highlighted a loss of “rigour” and “hunger” that mirrors concerns in his native country. Sports minister Andrea Abodi warned that the sport must be “rebuilt,” expressing sorrow for a generation of children who may never experience a World Cup. Some Italians, like Lucia Severi, suggested shifting attention to other disciplines, citing the country’s success in tennis and athletics. The defeat starkly contrasts with the euphoria of July 2021, when Italy won the Euro 2020 final on penalties—a moment once seen as a reversal of fortunes after missing the 2018 World Cup. Yet that optimism proved fleeting, as the Azzurri also failed to qualify for the 2022 tournament. As the nation grapples with this latest setback, the debate intensifies over how to revive Italian football, nurture grassroots participation, and restore the pride once associated with the Azzurri’s international successes.

The Pakistan Cricket Board has taken disciplinary action against fast bowler Naseem Shah for criticizing the presence of a politician at the start of the Pakistan Super League (PSL). The tournament is being played behind closed doors due to the Middle East conflict and exorbitant fuel hikes in the region.Shah had commented on a tweet about the opening game by the PCB, questioning why Chief Minister of Punjab Maryam Nawaz was treated like a 'queen' at the Gaddafi Stadium. He later claimed his account had been hacked and deleted the post.The PCB issued a show-cause notice to Shah for violating the terms of his central contract, media policy, and regulations. Shah is required to provide a response within a stipulated time, and the PCB will decide on further action.This incident is not the first time a Pakistani cricketer has faced disciplinary action for expressing their opinions. Last year, Aamer Jamal was fined $4,000 for displaying a slogan in favor of Imran Khan, Pakistan's imprisoned former prime minister.Shah is scheduled to play for Rawalpindi Pindiz in Saturday's game against Peshawar Zalmi, led by former Pakistan all-formats captain Babar Azam.

Nepal's police have arrested former Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli and ex-Home Affairs Minister Ramesh Lekhak over their alleged involvement in a deadly crackdown on protesters last year.The detentions on Saturday came a day after Prime Minister Balendra Shah and his cabinet were sworn in after the first elections since the 2025 uprising that toppled Oli's government.According to The Kathmandu Post, Oli, 74, was taken into custody from his residence in Bhaktapur, a suburb of the capital, Kathmandu. Images later showed Oli walking into a hospital, dressed all in white, and surrounded by police officers.Lekhak was also detained on Saturday from another area of Bhaktapur, his personal secretary Janak Bhatta told the Post.In a statement on Facebook, new Home Minister Sudan Gurung wrote, "promise is a promise: No one is above the law"."This is not vengeance against anyone, it is simply the beginning of justice. I believe the country is now headed in a new direction," said Gurung.Oli has yet to issue a statement regarding the arrest.At least 77 people were killed in the anticorruption uprising on September 8-9, 2025, which began over a brief social media ban but tapped into longstanding fury over economic hardship.At least 19 young people were killed in the crackdown on the first day of protests.The demonstrations spread nationwide the following day as parliament and government offices were set ablaze, resulting in the government's collapse.During the caretaker administration, a government-backed commission into the deadly uprising recommended the prosecution of Oli and other senior officials.Its report said it was "not established that there was an order to shoot", but said "no effort was made to stop or control the firing and, due to their negligent conduct, even minors lost their lives".Oli has previously denied ordering security forces to open fire on protesters. During his failed bid for re-election in the March 5 poll, he blamed "infiltrators" for the violence.Prime Minister Shah, 35, a rapper-turned-politician, and his Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) won a landslide victory in parliamentary elections this month on a platform of youth-driven political change.Shah challenged and defeated Oli in the four-time ex-prime minister's own constituency.At Shah's first cabinet meeting on Friday, it was decided to implement the recommendations made by the investigative commission.

The UK government has pledged to invest a record £8.4bn in road maintenance in England, as part of a broader £27bn five-year investment plan for major roads and motorways. The plan, known as RIS3, aims to 'fix the foundations' of England's road network, with a focus on resurfacing a quarter of the country's strategic road network.The investment includes £1.65bn of initial public funding for the Lower Thames Crossing, a major road building project aimed at easing congestion in the south-east. The government also confirmed funding for the dualling of the A66 between Cumbria and North Yorkshire, a long-debated project championed by former prime minister Rishi Sunak.Transport Secretary Heidi Alexander said the investment would 'secure the future of our road network for years to come' and deliver 'smoother and faster journeys for drivers'. However, campaigners from the Transport Action Network criticized the plan, arguing that it prioritizes new road construction over sustainable transport solutions and fails to address outdated traffic forecasts.The Department for Transport said the £8.4bn investment in A-roads and motorways was on top of the £7.3bn pledged in the spending review for local authorities to fix potholes and maintain local roads. The government claims that the 16 funded schemes have been chosen for their value for money and deliverability, and are expected to 'deliver growth for left-behind communities'. However, campaigners argue that the plan's focus on new road construction will only serve to increase congestion and harm the environment.