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Djibouti, a one‑million‑strong nation perched on the Bab al‑Mandeb Strait, is set to hold its presidential election on April 10. All signs point to incumbent Ismail Omar Guelleh securing a sixth term with little genuine opposition. The country’s strategic location—linking the Red Sea to the Gulf of Aden—makes it a linchpin for global trade and a magnet for foreign military installations. The United States, France, China, Italy and Japan all maintain bases there, earning Djibouti the reputation of hosting the highest concentration of overseas military sites. Officially, Djibouti recognizes French and Arabic, while Somali and Afar are widely spoken among the two main ethnic groups, which together comprise roughly 95% of the population. Islam is practiced by about 94% of residents, and the Djiboutian franc remains the national currency. According to the International Foundation for Electoral Systems, 243,471 citizens—about a quarter of the population—are registered to vote, up from roughly 215,000 in the 2021 poll. Historical turnout averages around 67%. IGAD’s eight‑nation bloc has dispatched 17 observers from Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia, South Sudan and Uganda to monitor the process, with a post‑vote statement slated for April 12. Ismail Omar Guelleh, 78, leads the ruling People’s Rally for Progress. After parliament lifted the 75‑year age ceiling in November and abolished term limits back in 2010, Guelleh is now eligible for another term. Critics label his rule as authoritarian, yet they also acknowledge the relative stability he has maintained in a volatile region. Guelleh’s administration has turned Djibouti’s lack of natural resources into a revenue engine by signing infrastructure deals with China and leasing military facilities to Western powers. In 2017, Finance Minister Ilyas Dawaleh estimated that the bases generate roughly $125 million annually, with the United States contributing nearly half of that sum. The U.S. installation, Camp Lemonnier, remains the only permanent American base on the continent. The sole challenger, Mohamed Farah Samatar, runs under the Unified Democratic Centre after breaking away from the ruling party. His campaign slogan—“another Djibouti is possible”—has resonated only modestly, and observers such as Horn‑of‑Africa expert Sonia le Gouriellec describe the contest as a “token competition”. Human‑rights advocates echo this sentiment, calling the election a “masquerade” and a foregone conclusion. Key issues dominate the discourse. Democratic freedoms have eroded; opposition parties have boycotted elections since 2016, and Guelleh captured over 90% of the vote in 2021. The country ranks 168th out of 180 in the 2025 Reporters Without Borders press‑freedom index, and allegations of corruption and nepotism persist, including speculation that Guelleh’s stepson, Naguib Abdallah Kamil, is being groomed for succession. Economically, Djibouti’s reliance on Chinese financing is creating fiscal strain. By 2026 the nation owed China roughly $1.2 billion in loans, prompting the IMF to label its debt profile “in distress and unsustainable”. Massive infrastructure projects—most notably a railway to Ethiopia—have failed to curb poverty, with 73% of the youth unemployed. The country’s lifeline is its port system, which handles virtually all of Ethiopia’s maritime trade, amounting to about $2 billion in annual revenue. Ethiopia’s recent flirtation with a Somaliland port deal threatened Djibouti’s monopoly, though a Turkey‑mediated agreement in late 2024 redirected Ethiopia toward a “reliable and sustainable” sea corridor with Somalia. In sum, the upcoming election is less about a competitive political showdown and more about reaffirming a status quo that intertwines Djibouti’s geopolitical leverage, foreign‑military income, and mounting debt challenges.

Eritrea's hopes of participating in the Africa Cup of Nations (AFCON) have been thrown into doubt after seven local footballers disappeared in South Africa following their team's victory over Eswatini last month.The players were part of a 24-member squad that participated in the qualifying tie, with only 10 being locally-based players. Of these, only three returned to Eritrea, while the whereabouts of the other seven remain unknown.The incident occurred when the national team arrived in South Africa en route from Eswatini to Eritrea via Egypt. A Confederation of African Football (CAF) official told the AFP news agency that the disappearance is a mystery and that no one seems certain what happened to the players thereafter.Eritrea's coach, Hesham Yakan, had chosen 24 players, including 14 based abroad, for the two-leg preliminary qualifier against Eswatini. The team's victory over Eswatini proved a surprise success, considering they had not played an international match for six years.The disappearance of the players has raised concerns about the country's football future and the well-being of its players. Indefinite military service after completing schooling is cited as the main reason for the defections from the East African country.Eritrea has been governed by President Isaias Afwerki since gaining independence from Ethiopia in 1993, and human rights groups consistently describe his rule as “highly repressive”.The incident has also highlighted the dire situation in Eritrea, with George Ghebreslassie, an Eritrean exile, saying that “it shows the kind of situation we have in Eritrea. We thought things would change, but nothing has changed”.

Djibouti, a country with a population of less than a million people and no significant natural resources, has become a crucial hub for foreign military bases. The nation's strategic location at the entrance to the Red Sea, a vital maritime chokepoint through which roughly 12 percent of global maritime trade passes daily, has made it an attractive location for global powers.The country's President, Ismail Omar Guelleh, has leveraged Djibouti's strategic importance to advance his own aims, welcoming bases from the US, China, France, Japan, and Italy. These countries pay significant fees for the privilege of hosting their bases, with the US paying $65 million annually, France $30 million, China $20 million, and Italy and Japan over $3 million each.The Bab-el-Mandeb strait, a narrow corridor barely 30 kilometers wide, is a critical passage for global trade and communication cables. The region's instability, particularly with the US and Israel at war with Iran, has heightened Djibouti's importance. Federico Donelli, author of 'Power Competition in the Red Sea,' notes that Djibouti sits at the center of many global interests, including trade, shipping, and fiber optic connectivity.Djibouti's base-for-cash model is part of a broader development strategy, including significant infrastructure investment from Chinese firms and a new railway linking landlocked Ethiopia to the coast. However, the country's economic benefits have not trickled down to its citizens, with official unemployment near 40 percent and over one in five people living in extreme poverty.The opposition leader, Daher Ahmed Farah, has criticized Guelleh's rule, stating that the country's strategic position and hosting of military bases have not benefited the Djiboutian people. The US embassy has warned Americans to avoid areas near Camp Lemonnier, citing threats against US interests, while Finance Minister Ilyas Dawaleh has expressed concerns about the Iran war risks pushing Djibouti into deeper economic uncertainty.

Harry Styles has announced the full programme for this year’s Meltdown Festival at the Southbank Centre, positioning the pop star as curator of a multi‑genre celebration that runs from 11 June to 21 June. In addition to headlining a solo show on 16 June at the Royal Festival Hall, Styles will perform amid his ongoing Wembley Stadium tour, while the festival showcases a broad spectrum of talent ranging from jazz to electronic dance music. The jazz segment features two sets by acclaimed US saxophonist Kamasi Washington: one dedicated to his album Fearless Movement and another titled “Jazz Legends Reimagined,” where he will reinterpret classic jazz compositions. Ethiopian‑born pioneer Mulatu Astatke returns after a farewell‑tour appearance, and the UK scene is represented by drummer Yussef Dayes and reed virtuoso Shabaka, who will join a collective of collaborators. Indie and rock offerings include LA band Warpaint (performing their sole gig of the year), British singer‑songwriter Nilüfer Yanya, and a mix of emerging and veteran acts such as Bar Italia, Stephen Fretwell and Getdown Services. Former Maccabees frontman Orlando Weeks will deliver a hybrid set of music and storytelling, while Devonté Hynes (known as Blood Orange) will present a classical‑inspired performance with musicians Adam Tendler, Cæcilie Trier and Tariq Al‑Sabir. On the pop front, rising stars Erika de Casier and Fousheé will provide some of the season’s most forward‑thinking tracks. The electronic roster spans ambient pioneer Beverly Glenn‑Copeland, an improvised collaboration featuring Jon Hopkins, Maddie Ashman and Leo Abrahams, high‑tempo EDM from Australia’s Ninajirachi, and a DJ set by James Murphy of LCD Soundsystem. A parallel programme of free, family‑friendly events will showcase “a mix of appearances from Styles’ favourite artists beyond music,” according to the Southbank Centre. Speaking about the festival, Styles said: “Music is my life; every artist involved in this year’s Meltdown festival means so much to me, both as a fan, and a musician. It’s a true honour to host legends who have paved the way for the generations that follow them, as well as new acts that have inspired me to push my creative boundaries.” Tickets become available on 9 April for Southbank members and 10 April for the general public, with the event promising a unique blend of established icons and cutting‑edge talent.

Occupied East Jerusalem – While Holy Week traditionally fills the Old City’s Christian Quarter with pilgrims and worshippers, the streets are now eerily quiet and storefronts remain shuttered.Palestinian shopkeeper Boulos, a man in his mid‑30s who asked to remain anonymous, still drags himself to his modest stall a few times a week, selling religious garments behind a half‑closed door to avoid Israeli orders that mandate closure of businesses in the quarter amid the ongoing US‑Israel conflict with Iran.After six years of pandemic‑related setbacks and successive wars, his business had only begun to recover when the October Gaza ceasefire was followed by a new wave of restrictions. “Before the war with Iran, we barely made enough to survive,” he said. “Now there is no income at all.”His only customer that day was an Ethiopian Christian woman buying a kilo of prayer candles for 35 shekels (about $11.20). “What can 35 shekels do for me?” Boulos lamented, underscoring the stark economic squeeze.Unlike many West Jerusalem shops, which have been allowed to stay open because of nearby bomb shelters, the Old City lacks such protection, leaving Palestinian businesses in the Christian Quarter effectively forced to shut. The area, heavily dependent on tourism, shows the least sign of life.Brother Daoud Kassabry, principal of the College des Frères school, described the scene as “the saddest Jerusalem I have ever seen.” Classes have been suspended for over a month, and the community feels the weight of an unprecedentedly difficult period.For the first time in centuries, Israeli police barred Cardinal Pierbattista Pizzaballa, the Latin Patriarch of Jerusalem, and other senior clergy from entering the Church of the Holy Sepulchre for Palm Sunday Mass. The Latin Patriarchate called the incident “unprecedented in centuries.”At a press conference, Cardinal Pizzaballa emphasized that while “all celebrations” have been cancelled for security reasons, “no one, not even the Pope, can cancel the liturgy of Easter.”Following the incident, leaders from Italy, France and the United States condemned the police action. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu later defended the measure as a safety precaution, citing the absence of bomb shelters near the holy site, despite the cardinal’s residence being only metres away.Netanyahu’s justification raises questions about the long‑standing “status‑quo” arrangement that places custodianship of Christian and Muslim holy sites under the heads of their respective religious institutions and Jordan’s Waqf. Palestinian Christians interpret the rhetoric as evidence of an increasingly hostile environment under Israeli control.Bishop Emeritus Munib Younan recounted being spat on by Jewish yeshiva students in the Old City without any legal consequences. He now prefers to attend services in Bethlehem or a small church outside Jerusalem, where he feels “no one is pointing a gun at you.”“They want to show the world that this country is only meant for them – not Christians, not Muslims,” Younan said, reflecting a sentiment shared by many locals.Netanyahu later announced that religious ceremonies at the Holy Sepulchre would be permitted during Holy Week, but only for clergy, keeping the general public out. Observers noted the inconsistency, pointing out that Muslim worshippers have been barred from the Al‑Aqsa compound since late February, including during Ramadan, with only minimal international rebuke.The cumulative restrictions have crippled the already dwindling Palestinian Christian community, which now makes up less than 2 % of the population in Israel and the occupied territories. Traditional events such as the Way of the Cross procession and Holy Fire Saturday have been cancelled, eroding communal cohesion.Father Faris Abedrabbo of the Annunciation Latin Parish linked the current hardships to the Passion narrative, urging congregants to view their suffering through the lens of “steadfastness” – an active, spiritual resistance rather than passive endurance.Economic despair is prompting a new wave of emigration. Bishop Younan reported that many young Christians ask for help obtaining visas to the United States, Canada or Australia, fearing there is “no future” in Jerusalem. Boulos, the shopkeeper, admits he has considered leaving, noting that “they try to make us lose hope and abandon this land.”Despite the bleak outlook, Boulos continues to visit his shop, saying, “I come here to prove to myself that I still have hope, even if it feels endless.”

Ethiopian women's rights activists are facing a rising tide of digital violence, including online threats, doxing, and deepfake abuse, forcing some to flee the country. Yordanos Bezabih, an Ethiopian women's rights activist, had faced online threats for years, including acid attacks, gang-rape, and death. However, in 2025, the threats became more menacing, with an anonymous Telegram group organizing an effort to track down her location.The group shared deepfakes of her – nude images and videos. A stranger started filming her in the streets, calling her by her social media handle. Thieves broke into her house and stole her laptop. Soon after, her Telegram account was hacked, and her private photos and messages were circulated on social media. The perpetrators later circulated her address, demanding she be found and “executed”.In August, Bezabih left Ethiopia on a fellowship for human rights defenders. She has not returned since; it is too dangerous. “I have been forced to remain outside the country in order to protect my safety and continue my work,” she says.Bezabih is one of a small but growing number of feminists and women’s rights defenders who have left Ethiopia over the past two years, as online violence has become all-pervasive and uncontrolled. Three years after Facebook was accused of allowing hate speech to spread unchecked in Ethiopia, amid genocidal violence against ethnic Tigrayans during the civil war – claims rejected by Meta – social media inciters in Ethiopia have found a new target: women online.Research by the Centre for Information Resilience (CIR) bears out the scale of online gendered abuse in Ethiopia. Its 2024 report, Silence, Shamed and Threatened, found that technology-facilitated gender-based violence (TFGBV) has become “normalized to the point of invisibility” and is a daily occurrence with severe offline impacts, including psychological harm, physical assault, and arrests.Activists say the government and social media platforms are not doing enough to protect them. “I don’t think the government is much concerned about online harassment. It is barely a government agenda,” says Befekadu Hailu, an Ethiopian civil society leader and former director of Ethiopia’s Centre for the Advancement of Rights and Democracy.Bezabih says the online platforms that enable the violence also do little about it. “Even though they claim to have all these community guidelines, tech platforms never respond to reports, claims or even appeals.”

Photographer Alexander Meininger was inspired to create Playrise after seeing the destruction caused by the Ukraine war. He realized that children in disaster zones needed play equipment to help them cope with their situations. Meininger teamed up with UK architect firm OMMX and engineers Webb Yates to develop a prototype of modular play equipment. The Playrise prototype consists of iroko hardwood beams and planks fixed with metal bolts, which can be customized with add-ons like ropes, monkey bars, and basketball hoops. This system allows for easy reconfiguration to meet the needs of different locations and users. Research has shown that play is vital for child development, fostering motor skills, cooperation, teamwork, and social skills like sharing and communication. However, with close to 50 million children living in forced displacement globally, access to such opportunities is limited. The first Playrise set is set to be deployed to the Aysaita refugee camp in Ethiopia, where some children have lived their entire lives in the desert encampment. The equipment is designed to be easily assembled by the children themselves, providing them with hands-on experience with building and construction. Meininger's goal with Playrise is to scale the project and ensure that the play sets are available when needed by NGOs and young people. He emphasizes the importance of not imposing a Western perspective on what children should do but rather understanding that all children want to thrive and play, regardless of their circumstances.

A devastating boat sinking incident has occurred off the coast of Djibouti, claiming the lives of at least nine people and leaving 45 others missing. The boat, carrying over 300 migrants and refugees, sank near Guehere in the north of the country on Tuesday.The Djiboutian coastguard launched an emergency operation, rescuing 266 survivors, all of whom were identified as Ethiopian nationals. They are currently receiving support at the International Organization for Migration's (IOM) Migrant Response Centre in Obock.The incident is a grim reminder of the risks faced by migrants attempting to cross the Bab al-Mandeb Strait, a notorious migration route that separates Djibouti and Yemen. Tens of thousands of people from the Horn of Africa region attempt to make this perilous journey each year, often facing arbitrary arrest, trafficking, violence, and detention.According to IOM data, 506,000 people moved along this route in 2025, an 18% increase from the previous year. The agency also reported that 922 people died or went missing on this route in 2025, nearly double the number recorded the year before.The IOM has expressed concern that the hot season in Djibouti, which brings rougher seas and strong winds, will place migrants at even greater risk. The agency's chief of mission in Djibouti, Tanja Pacifico, warned that this tragic shipwreck may sadly mark the first of many incidents this year.

Ali Ahmed experienced goose bumps watching Canada walk out at the last World Cup, a surreal moment for the winger who had never witnessed his nation compete on football's biggest stage. This time around, he'll not only be at home but at the heart of the action in two cities that hold special significance for him.Jesse Marsch's Canadian side faces Qatar and Switzerland in Vancouver after an opener against a potential European playoff winner in Toronto. An encounter with Italy in Ahmed's hometown would carry particular weight, given the city's substantial Italian population and his parents' Ethiopian heritage with their love for Italian football. Football has been ingrained in his family since childhood, a passion that has guided his remarkable journey.On the outskirts of Toronto, a teenage Ahmed used to sneak onto Toronto FC's training pitches before dawn for kickabouts with friends. His persistence and determination eventually led him to professional football, though not through the conventional path. At 17, he turned down a Toronto FC academy spot to pursue opportunities in Portugal, Spain, and the Netherlands, facing numerous challenges along the way.Now at Norwich City since January, the 25-year-old has established himself as a key player on the left wing, contributing significantly to the team's improved form in the Championship. Ahmed started all seven Norwich matches during Ramadan, waking before 4am for Suhoor, the pre-dawn meal. His experience fasting during a crucial period of the English season has been a learning curve, though he's noted the exceptional support he's received in England.Ahmed candidly discusses his upbringing in Toronto's Lawrence Heights neighborhood, an area experiencing significant gun violence. Despite the challenges, he describes a close-knit community where people supported each other. Football provided an escape route, leading him to opportunities he never anticipated.His career has seen remarkable highs, including playing against Lionel Messi's Argentina at the Copa América and scoring in the MLS Cup final defeat to Inter Miami. After being knocked unconscious during a Canadian Championship match in 2023, Ahmed's determination only grew.As Canada prepares to host the World Cup, Ahmed sets ambitious goals: "I want to win our group. And then from there, into the knockout rounds. It's important to have that belief that we can play with anybody. Why not?" With home advantage in two cities that mean the world to him, Ahmed sees the perfect setup for both himself and the Canadian team.