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The Royal Shakespeare Company's upcoming production of Bertolt Brecht's 'The Resistible Rise of Arturo Ui' offers a timely warning against the rise of fascism, echoing current events in Britain and the US. The play, a satire about the rise of Hitler, features Mark Gatiss as Arturo Ui and music by the alternative rock band Placebo.Gatiss notes that the rhetoric used by Arturo Ui is 'the same rhetoric today', describing it as 'really frightening'. The play's themes of corruption, violence, and the dangers of unchecked power are as relevant today as they were when Brecht wrote the play in 1941.The production features a unique blend of music and theatre, with Placebo's Brian Molko and Stefan Olsdal creating a score that captures the brutality and urgency of the play. The music is designed to be 'loud and abrasive', with Molko describing the process of creating the score as 'like being in a dark room and feeling your way around'.Gatiss, who has a history of playing villains, says that he has put a moratorium on playing characters akin to Sherlock's Mycroft Holmes, but was drawn to the role of Arturo Ui after seeing a production at Darlington Civic Theatre with Robin Askwith in the lead. The play's director, Seán Linnen, encouraged the cast to experiment and find new ways to bring the play to life.The production's themes and message are particularly relevant in today's world, with Gatiss stating that 'we feel helpless' in the face of rising fascism. The play's epilogue, which calls on the audience to act against the rise of fascism, still gives Gatiss 'goosebumps'. As Gatiss notes, 'you have to do something. Go down swinging, at least.'

Winsome Pinnock’s latest play, The Authenticator, opens at the Dorfman Theatre, National Theatre, London, and immediately subverts expectations by pairing a serious examination of erased Black histories with a lively, comedic tone.The story follows Fen (Sylvestra Le Touzel), a direct descendant of the 18th‑century enslaver Henry Harford, who discovers a cache of his Jamaican farm diaries. She entrusts the documents to two Black academics – Abi (Rakie Ayola), an Oxford‑educated scholar of Nigerian descent, and her mentee Marva (Cherrelle Skeete), a bright working‑class woman whose grandfather’s mysterious disappearance ties back to the Harford estate.Their investigative partnership feels like a modern Holmes‑Watson dynamic, allowing Pinnock to explore the tangled intersections of class, race, and inherited privilege. Abi’s privileged background and Marva’s grassroots perspective highlight how historical complicity can span generations.While the plot leans on some convenient coincidences reminiscent of an Agatha Christie puzzle, the play’s strength lies in its razor‑sharp dialogue and satirical wit, which keep the narrative brisk and entertaining.Visually, the production leans into a haunted‑house aesthetic: designer Jon Bausor’s set features gilt‑edged frames, trapdoors leading to a cellar of “dirty secrets,” and atmospheric lighting that flickers like candle‑lit torches, underscored by a nervous string quartet.Much of the humour centres on Fen, portrayed as a “tweedy do‑gooder” eager to atone for her family’s sins yet quick to deflect blame. Her self‑portrait as a former Oxford punk adds a layer of absurdity, drawing parallels to the post‑colonial satire of films like Knives Out.Pinnock also skewers the modern aristocracy that monetises heritage properties, illustrated by a grime‑artist filming by the estate’s fountain and a fabricated ghost tour designed to attract tourists.The play does not shy away from genuine hauntings. A Blackamoor statue is hidden away after the 2020 debates over colonial monuments, and missing diary pages hint at violence against an enslaved woman named “Black Sarah.”Director Miranda Cromwell navigates the tonal shifts deftly, ensuring that the humour never eclipses the underlying guilt and pain embedded in the characters’ histories.Ultimately, The Authenticator succeeds by delivering a “lightness of touch” that makes confronting toxic colonial legacies both accessible and thought‑provoking, offering audiences a disarming yet incisive look at how societies reckon with their past.

Marks & Spencer has formally urged the UK government and London’s mayor to intensify efforts against retail crime, describing the problem as “more brazen, more organised and more aggressive” following a noticeable surge in shoplifting and violent incidents at its stores.Chief executive Stuart Machin addressed a letter to Home Secretary Shabana Mahmood, while retail director Thinus Keeve wrote to Mayor Sadiq Khan, both demanding additional police resources to target repeat offenders and crime hotspots.Keeve detailed recent attacks on the M&S website, noting that “in the past week alone we have had gangs forcing open locked cabinets, stripping shelves, two men emptying steak displays, a large group ransacking a store and assaulting a security guard, a colleague head‑butted while trying to defuse a situation, and another hospitalised after ammonia was thrown in their face.”He warned that the situation is “worse in London, but it is happening across the country, and it is becoming routine, because it seems there are no consequences.”Police responded to reports of antisocial behaviour in Clapham, south London, where “several hundred young people” gathered after coordinating via TikTok and Snapchat. About 100 officers were deployed, fires were lit on Clapham Common and fireworks set off, and six teenage girls were arrested for incidents “fuelled by online trends”. Five people, including four officers, were assaulted.Mayor Khan condemned the Clapham events as “utterly unacceptable”, pledging that “the culprits will face the full force of the law” and that police are working with social‑media platforms to curb viral content that encourages theft and violence.According to Keeve, the UK recorded roughly 5.5 million shoplifting incidents last year, not counting the “vast number that go unreported”. He added that “every day, more than 1,600 retail workers face violence or abuse,” characterising the trend as systemic and worsening.External affairs head Adam Hawksbee told BBC Radio 4’s Today programme that the rise in retail crime is affecting staff morale, with employees “worried about coming into work and nervous about the journey home.”Office for National Statistics data show that shoplifting offences in England and Wales rose to 519,381 in the year to September 2025, a 5% increase from the previous year’s 492,660, and remain just below the record 530,439 offences recorded in the year to March 2025.Keeve concluded that “without a government seriously cracking down on crime and a mayor that prioritises effective policing we are powerless. We need a stronger, faster and more consistent police response, using tools that already exist to target repeat offenders and crime hotspots, and far greater transparency on crime so the true scale and impact is understood.”

At least 43 civilians were killed and 44 houses set ablaze during an assault by the Allied Democratic Forces (ADF) in Bafwakoa, located in Mambasa territory of Ituri province, according to the Congolese army.Lieutenant Jules Tshikudi Ngongo, the army’s regional spokesperson, said the attack occurred on Thursday and that the death toll could rise as search operations continue.The ADF, a rebel outfit that pledged allegiance to ISIL, has been increasingly targeting civilians in Ituri and the neighboring North Kivu province, despite joint Congolese‑Ugandan military campaigns launched in 2021.Witnesses reported that victims were killed with machetes, some perished in house fires, and two individuals were abducted, according to local customary official Christian Alimasi.The incident underscores the army’s difficulty in containing the ADF, which operates alongside other insurgent groups such as the Rwandan‑backed M23, responsible for seizing the major eastern city of Goma last year.Data from research firm Insecurity Insight indicates the ADF accounted for roughly 25% of civilian‑targeted violence in eastern DRC between 2020 and 2025, reflecting its significant presence in the region.Last year, the ADF’s attacks resulted in 66 deaths and multiple abductions, signalling a troubling escalation in its campaign against local populations.

Human Rights Watch (HRW) released a comprehensive report titled None Can Run Away, concluding that Burkina Faso’s military, its allied Volunteers for the Defence of the Homeland (VDPs), and the al‑Qaeda‑linked Jama’at Nusrat al‑Islam wa al‑Muslimin (JNIM) have perpetrated war crimes and crimes against humanity since the coup that brought the junta to power in September 2022. Through in‑person and telephone interviews with more than 450 witnesses across Burkina Faso, Benin, Ivory Coast, Ghana and Mali, HRW verified 57 distinct incidents involving wilful killing, attacks on civilians and civilian objects, pillage, looting, and forced displacement. The report estimates that 1,837 civilians were killed between January 2023 and August 2025, with over 1,200 deaths directly linked to government forces. The United Nations estimates that the conflict has displaced approximately two million people, underscoring a humanitarian crisis of regional magnitude. Among the deadliest attacks, the military and VDP militias slaughtered more than 400 civilians across 16 villages near the northern town of Djibo in December 2023. In November 2023, allied militias killed 13 Fulani civilians—including six women and four children—in the western village of Basse, employing methods described by survivors as “blindfolded, hands tied, and riddled with bullets.” JNIM’s own atrocities were highlighted by the August 24, 2024 massacre in Barsalogho, where at least 133 civilians, many of them children, were shot indiscriminately. HRW’s findings point to a systematic targeting of the Fulani ethnic group, whom the junta accuses of supporting armed insurgents, resulting in what the report characterises as an ethnic cleansing of entire communities. HRW calls for urgent investigations into President Ibrahim Traoré, the supreme commander of the armed forces, and six senior military commanders for “grave abuses.” The organization also urges scrutiny of Iyad Ag Ghaly, JNIM’s supreme leader wanted by the International Criminal Court, and four of his commanders under the principle of command responsibility. “The scale of atrocities taking place in Burkina Faso is mind‑boggling, as is the lack of global attention to this crisis,” said Philippe Bolopion, executive director of HRW. “The junta is committing horrific abuses itself, failing to hold those responsible on all sides to account, and curtailing reporting to obscure the suffering of civilians caught in the violence.” Survivors recount harrowing details: a 41‑year‑old father described his son’s body “shot in the back of the neck,” while a 39‑year‑old witness to the Barsalogho attack said, “People were falling like flies. They came to exterminate us. They did not spare anyone.” These revelations amplify calls from the international community for accountability and for renewed humanitarian assistance to the millions displaced by the protracted Sahel conflict.

Despite a United Nations-led ceasefire in Yemen, which largely reduced hostilities four years ago, nearly 1,200 children have been killed or injured due to shelling, gunfire, landmines, and other explosive remnants of war. According to Save the Children, since the truce brokered on April 2, 2022, at least 339 children have been killed and 843 injured, with some suffering life-altering injuries.The United Kingdom-based humanitarian organization found that 511 child casualties, nearly one in two, were due to landmines and explosive remnants of war. Data from the Civilian Impact Monitoring Project (CIMP) suggested that children were more than three times more likely than adults to be killed or injured by explosive remnants. Save the Children attributed this to a lack of mine risk awareness and increased exposure due to child labor.“These figures are a reminder that beyond the front lines, the war on children continues in their homes, schools and areas where they play and help their families tend to land,” said Rishana Haniffa, Save the Children’s country director in Yemen. “Amid escalating wider regional tensions, there is a real risk of triggering a wider confrontation in Yemen and the Red Sea that could undermine hard-won progress to reduce armed violence in the country in the past four years, exposing children to even more harm.”The conflict in Yemen has also led to significant psychological distress in children, with blast injuries causing permanent disabilities, including injuries to the spine, amputation of limbs, and loss of sight and hearing. Children have experienced difficulty sleeping, daily fear, and anxiety, with some, like Kamal, undergoing life-changing surgery.

The United Nations‑backed Gang Suppression Force (GSF) announced on Wednesday that its first foreign troops have landed in Haiti, signalling a new phase in the international effort to tame the country’s spiralling gang warfare.An advance team of soldiers from Chad arrived in Port‑au‑Prince, accompanied by Jack Christofides, a South African UN official appointed to lead the mission’s operations on the ground.The deployment is the initial step of a force slated to expand to 5,500 personnel with a 12‑month mandate. The GSF was authorized by the UN Security Council last September as a replacement for the earlier Kenyan‑led multinational security mission, which has struggled with funding shortfalls, insufficient manpower and limited institutional backing.Unlike its predecessor, which was limited to supporting Haitian police, the new force will have the authority to make arrests and conduct direct operations against groups designated as gangs. The concept was first put forward by the United States and Panama to “neutralise, isolate and deter” criminal networks.During the Security Council vote, twelve members voted in favour of the force, while China, Russia and Pakistan abstained. Russia’s representative, Vassily Nebenzia, criticised the plan as “rushed” and warned that its broad language could enable abuses, noting that the mandate permits the use of force against anyone labelled a gang.Haiti’s recent history of foreign intervention adds a layer of sensitivity to the deployment. Past UN peacekeeping missions have been linked to a cholera outbreak that claimed roughly 10,000 lives after the 2010 earthquake, and UN personnel have faced accusations of sexual assault in earlier decades.Gang control has tightened dramatically since the 2021 assassination of President Jovenel Moïse. Analysts estimate that up to 90 % of Port‑au‑Prince is now under gang influence, with around 26 criminal groups operating in the capital. The UN estimates that at least 16,000 people have been killed since 2022 and that more than 1.5 million have been displaced, many facing food insecurity. A recent human‑rights report recorded 5,519 gang‑related deaths and 2,608 injuries between March 2025 and mid‑January 2026, alongside reports of extrajudicial killings and sexual violence.The arrival of the GSF coincides with Haiti’s tentative steps toward a national election scheduled for August, where roughly 300 political parties and groups have registered. Acting Prime Minister Alix Didier Fils‑Aime has recently met with UN officials to discuss the new force’s role in stabilising the country ahead of the vote.

Israel's death penalty law has significant implications for Palestinians, potentially leading to increased tensions and human rights concerns. The law, which allows for the imposition of the death penalty for certain crimes, has been met with criticism from human rights groups and Palestinian authorities.The consequences of this law are far-reaching, affecting not only Palestinians convicted of crimes but also the broader Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The law may be seen as a provocation by Palestinian leaders, potentially leading to increased violence and instability in the region.Human rights groups have expressed concerns about the fairness of trials and the treatment of Palestinian prisoners in Israeli custody. The law has also been criticized for its potential to disproportionately affect Palestinians, who make up a significant proportion of Israel's prison population.

Israel's death penalty law, recently making headlines, has been criticized for potentially disproportionately affecting Palestinians. The law, which allows for the imposition of the death penalty in certain cases, has been defended by its proponents as a necessary measure to deter serious crimes. However, opponents argue that it violates international human rights standards and is being used as a political tool to maintain control over the Palestinian population.The law has been met with widespread condemnation from human rights groups and critics who see it as part of a broader pattern of discrimination against Palestinians. They argue that the law undermines the rule of law and perpetuates a cycle of violence and oppression.In response to the criticism, Israeli officials have emphasized the law's purpose as a deterrent, claiming it will help to reduce the incidence of serious crimes. However, many experts and activists question the effectiveness of the death penalty as a deterrent and argue that it fails to address the root causes of violence.