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Chinese dissident artist Gao Zhen, renowned for his satirical sculptures of Mao Zedong, has been tried in China on charges of 'defaming national heroes and martyrs'. His wife and a human rights group reported the trial.Gao, 69, was detained in 2024 during a visit to China from the US. He faces a maximum three-year prison sentence. The trial took place behind closed doors in Hebei province and ended without a verdict.Gao is known for his sculptures criticizing the 1966-1976 Cultural Revolution, a period of social turmoil and political persecution in China. His works include 'Miss Mao', featuring Mao with a Pinocchio nose and breasts, and 'Mao's Guilt', a bronze statue of Mao kneeling remorsefully.Gao's wife, Zhao Yaliang, and their seven-year-old son, a US citizen, are under exit bans and cannot leave China. Gao suffers from malnutrition and various health conditions, including lumbar spine disease and chronic knee and eye conditions.The trial highlights China's strict control over artistic expression and its efforts to suppress dissent. EU diplomats attempted to attend the trial but were blocked from entering the court.

Islamabad became the focal point of a new diplomatic track when the foreign ministers of Saudi Arabia, Turkey and Egypt arrived this weekend, joining Pakistan’s Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar. The quartet pledged to channel U.S. and Iranian confidence in Pakistan’s ability to host direct talks aimed at a comprehensive settlement. At the close of the meeting, Dar announced the creation of a Committee of Four—senior officials from each foreign ministry tasked with ironing out the procedural details of the peace process. The gathering marks the evolution of a broader Arab‑Islamic consultative effort that began in Riyadh on March 19 into a focused four‑nation push, with Pakistan positioned as the primary conduit between Washington and Tehran. In a candid interview with the Financial Times, U.S. President Donald Trump declared his “favourite thing is to take the oil in Iran,” hinting at a possible seizure of Kharg Island, which handles roughly 90 % of Iran’s crude exports. He reiterated an April 6 deadline for Tehran to accept a deal or face U.S. strikes on its energy infrastructure, yet on Air Force One he added, “I do see a deal in Iran, yeah. Could be soon,” describing the negotiations as “extremely well” progressing. Analysts stress that these mixed signals underscore the central tension confronting Pakistan’s initiative. While Islamabad and its partners are building a multilateral framework to curb escalation, Israeli strikes continue and the U.S. military presence in the region expands. Key diplomatic insights came from former Pakistani officials. Former information minister Mushahid Hussain Sayed highlighted the meeting as the first institutional Muslim‑world effort to open a dialogue pathway, noting that Pakistan and Turkey are among the most credible interlocutors—one a nuclear power, the other a NATO member. He cautioned, however, that the steps are “baby steps” in a war that is rapidly complicating. Former ambassador Masood Khan described the Committee of Four as a structured back‑channel enabling a “step‑by‑step, layered, and calibrated process.” He outlined four potential stages: trust‑building measures, cease‑fire negotiations, direct talks on the nuclear programme and the Strait of Hormuz, and finally reciprocal commitments. Khan warned that Iran’s demands for war reparations and sovereignty over the Strait could prove the toughest hurdles. High‑level outreach extended beyond the region. Pakistan’s Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif held a 90‑minute call with Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian, while China’s Foreign Minister Wang Yi pledged full backing for the initiative. A senior Pakistani diplomat confirmed Dar’s planned visit to China on March 31, underscoring the strategic weight of the Pakistan‑China relationship. On the economic front, Iran’s agreement to allow 20 Pakistani‑flagged vessels through the Strait of Hormuz represents the most immediate confidence‑building measure. The strait remains effectively closed to regular shipping, prompting the International Energy Agency to label the disruption as the “worst oil shock in history,” surpassing the crises of 1973 and 1979. Brent crude surged above $116 per barrel, up more than 50 % since the war began on February 28, while WTO Director‑General Ngozi Okonjo‑Iweala warned of the “worst trade disruptions in the past 80 years.” Nevertheless, experts argue that the Strait should not become the centerpiece of any settlement. The long‑term resolution will likely involve all eight littoral states under UNCLOS and established legal precedents, with the immediate priority being a broader halt to hostilities. Military dynamics remain volatile. U.S. Central Command reported that an amphibious task force of roughly 3,500 Marines and sailors aboard the USS Tripoli arrived in the region, with an additional 2,200 Marines and 2,000 soldiers from the 82nd Airborne Division slated to deploy. Trump affirmed that military options are still on the table, and reports suggest the Pentagon is preparing for potential ground operations. Iran’s leadership remains skeptical. A spokesperson for Iran’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs described the U.S. 15‑point plan—calling for a one‑month cease‑fire, handover of highly enriched uranium, a halt to enrichment, missile curbs, and an end to proxy support—as “unrealistic, illogical and excessive.” Tehran’s counter‑proposal, aired on Press TV, demands a halt to aggression, concrete guarantees against recurrence, reparations, and formal recognition of Iranian sovereignty over the Strait of Hormuz. Analysts such as Reza Khanzadeh of George Mason University argue that the burden of compromise falls on Washington, noting that Iran will not sacrifice regime survival. Meanwhile, former diplomat Masood Khan identified the most decisive confidence‑building measure as a U.S. commitment to halt Israeli attacks on Iran and Lebanon—a step he admits is “easier said than done.” In sum, Pakistan’s diplomatic corridor offers a glimmer of hope, but deep mistrust, divergent demands, and an accelerating military buildup render the path to a lasting settlement precarious.

The recent open letter from 60 clergy members, addressed to the author, underscores a shared concern for planetary stewardship and acknowledges that human‑generated carbon emissions are warming the climate. However, the signatories and the author diverge sharply on the appropriate policy response. Marshall contends that an outright ban on fossil fuels is both impractical and ideologically driven, creating a collective‑action dilemma for the UK. He notes that while the nation pursues a rapid net‑zero transition, major emitters such as India and China operate on markedly different timelines, and the United States has withdrawn from the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC). This leaves Britain navigating a path of unilateral economic disarmament. Industrial electricity rates in the UK have surged to two‑and‑a‑half to three times those in China and four times those in the United States. Such cost differentials are eroding the global competitiveness of sectors ranging from steel and oil refining to chemicals, automotive manufacturing, and emerging AI industries. The result, according to Marshall, is a wave of factory closures, investment pull‑backs, and significant job losses across the nation's industrial heartlands. Beyond macro‑economic concerns, the policy’s social toll is stark. Older and low‑income households are bearing the brunt of soaring energy bills, with an estimated 2,500 excess deaths last year attributed to an inability to adequately heat homes. This humanitarian impact, Marshall argues, contradicts the very notion of “human flourishing” that climate advocates champion. While acknowledging that every policy entails trade‑offs, Marshall warns that the clergy’s proposal would impose severe personal costs on working‑class Britons without delivering the promised climate benefits. He concludes that the current net‑zero trajectory is unlikely to curb global warming and instead jeopardizes the UK's economic vitality and social wellbeing. Paul MarshallChair, Marshall Wace; personal investor in GB News

China's economy is heavily reliant on oil refining, particularly in Shandong province, where independent 'teapot' refineries play a crucial role. These small refineries, often operating on thin margins, have been vital in keeping China's economy stable amidst the global energy crisis. The crisis began with US-Israel strikes on Iran, causing chaos in the Middle East and prompting Tehran to effectively close the Strait of Hormuz, a vital waterway for oil and gas flows. However, Iranian oil has continued to flow to China, with imports reaching about 1.6 million barrels per day. China's teapot refineries are now facing significant challenges due to rising crude prices. Iranian light crude, which was previously $11 cheaper than Brent crude, now has a discount as low as $2 per barrel. This has reduced the refineries' profits, with some workers fearing salary cuts. The impact is being felt across the industry, with Luqing Petrochemical, one of Shandong's prominent teapots, allegedly sanctioned by the US for buying Iranian oil. The company has started pressuring employees to quit by cutting salaries and relocating them to difficult work sites. The economic shock is also affecting ordinary people in China, with the government intervening in the retail fuel market to reduce a planned increase in petrol and diesel prices. However, if prices continue to rise, some teapot refineries may go bust. The long-term threat to the industry is not just the war but also the rise of electric vehicles, according to Uncle Wang, a petrol station owner in Weifang. As China transitions to cleaner energy sources, the demand for oil is expected to decline, posing a significant challenge to the teapot refineries and the thousands of people they employ.

Kimi Antonelli, driving for Mercedes, secured a historic victory at the Japanese Grand Prix, becoming the youngest driver in Formula One history to lead the world championship standings at just 19 years old.Antonelli's win was marked by a remarkable recovery from a poor start, where he initially dropped to sixth place. However, a mid-race safety car, triggered by a crash involving Haas driver Ollie Bearman, allowed Antonelli to gain a crucial advantage. He capitalized on the opportunity by pitting immediately after the safety car deployment, emerging at the head of the pack.As the race concluded, Antonelli expressed his delight, telling his team, "The pace was unbelievable today." He crossed the finish line ahead of McLaren's Oscar Piastri and Ferrari's Charles Leclerc, with his teammate George Russell finishing fourth.This victory marks Antonelli's second consecutive win, following his first Grand Prix victory two weeks prior in China. The 19-year-old Italian's championship lead after just three races underscores his impressive performance in the early stages of the season.Other notable performances included Lando Norris of McLaren in fifth place, and Max Verstappen, who finished eighth after starting from 11th on the grid. The Formula One season will now take an extended break until the Miami Grand Prix on May 3, with the Bahrain and Saudi Arabia races canceled due to the ongoing conflict in the Middle East.

Robert F Kennedy Jr, the US health secretary, has unveiled a chaotic and unpredictable agenda for public health policy under his 'Make America Healthy Again' (Maha) initiative. His approach tends to favor personal choice and autonomy over large-scale, mandatory public health interventions, such as childhood vaccine requirements.The Maha agenda has raised concerns over the potential risks associated with injectable peptide drugs. Mr. Kennedy plans to open up the sale of 'about 14' of these drugs to the public, despite the US Food and Drug Administration (FDA) restricting 17 peptides in 2023 due to 'potential significant safety risks'. None of these peptides have been proven to be safe or effective for human use.The peptides in question are often promoted for biological enhancement, such as increasing muscle mass or cognitive benefits, but the evidence for these effects in humans is thin. Reports of people self-administering peptide therapies, usually bought from China 'for research use only', are widespread, particularly in Silicon Valley.The Maha project wants to make the grey market the only market, effectively sanctioning mass public use of unproven treatments. Peptides are clearly drugs and shouldn’t be allowed for widespread use without rigorous clinical trials. Opening loopholes for sale would undermine the precautionary principle that has successfully led public health policy for generations.It is also worth noting that other governments are unlikely to be as cavalier as Mr. Kennedy about peptides. However, people everywhere will continue to call for more personal choice and more bodily autonomy, and those conversations are important. The case for safety, proof, and regulation must be made to ensure that public health policy prioritizes the well-being of individuals.

Curaçao, a tiny island nation with a population of 155,000, has been on a whirlwind journey since qualifying for their first World Cup last November. Their preparation for the 2026 tournament has been marked by geopolitical challenges, including a complicated flight to Australia for games against China and the Socceroos.The two teams meet in Melbourne on Tuesday, with Curaçao's coach, Fred Rutten, and his assistant, Roel Coumans, bringing a wealth of experience to the encounter. Coumans previously worked with the Socceroos under Bert van Marwijk and has insight into Australia's coaching dynamics.Curaçao's squad, largely comprised of players with Dutch backgrounds, boasts talented individuals like captain Leandro Bacuna and ex-Manchester United midfielder Tahith Chong. Despite being ranked 76th in the world, Coumans is optimistic about Curaçao's chances, citing the team's eager and determined players.The Socceroos, on the other hand, are gearing up for their own World Cup campaign, with a tough opener against Germany on June 14. Curaçao's experience against European giants could prove valuable in their own preparations.As the teams prepare for their respective World Cup campaigns, this FIFA series serves as a crucial test for both Curaçao and the Socceroos. With plenty of goodwill expected from fans, particularly in Holland, Curaçao aims to make a lasting impression on the global stage.

Max Verstappen, the Dutch Formula One driver and four-time world champion, expressed his frustration with his Red Bull car after qualifying 11th for the Japanese Grand Prix. The car has been struggling with new regulations that split power 50-50 between conventional and electrical sources.Verstappen described the car as 'undriveable', citing issues with turning mid-corner and oversteering on entry. 'The car never turns mid-corner, but at the same time this weekend, it's just oversteering a lot on entry. It's really difficult, unpredictable,' he told Sky Sports F1.In contrast, Kimi Antonelli of Mercedes secured pole position with a fastest lap of 1min 28.778sec, followed by teammate George Russell and McLaren's Oscar Piastri. Antonelli, 19, became the youngest pole-sitter in F1 history two weeks ago in China and has now secured back-to-back poles.Russell, who leads the early championship standings, was 0.298sec behind Antonelli and acknowledged struggling with his car during qualifying. 'I've been really comfortable with the car this whole weekend, it's just in qualifying something didn't quite feel right,' he said.The Japanese Grand Prix promises to be an exciting race, with Mercedes showing dominant form in dry conditions at Suzuka. Verstappen, who has won at Suzuka for the past four years, will look to bounce back from a difficult start to the season.

Islamabad has re‑emerged as a pivotal conduit between Washington and Tehran, delivering a U.S. 15‑point cease‑fire proposal on March 25, 2026, as the US‑Israeli campaign against Iran enters its second month. Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar confirmed that Pakistan is transmitting the proposal, with Turkey and Egypt offering additional diplomatic backing. Chief US negotiator Steve Witkoff later verified Pakistan’s role as a messenger, and President Donald Trump announced a 10‑day pause on planned strikes against Iranian power plants, citing a request from Tehran. Iran has denied direct talks, yet the pause marks the second deferment of Trump’s original threat, underscoring Pakistan’s function as a key diplomatic facilitator in a high‑stakes conflict. The pattern is not new. In August 1969, President Nixon tasked Pakistan’s military ruler Yahya Khan with opening a channel to Beijing. Two years later, a secret flight carried U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger from Islamabad to China, paving the way for Nixon’s historic 1972 visit and the eventual U.S. recognition of the People’s Republic of China. Analysts note that Pakistan’s unique position—maintaining working ties with both Washington and Beijing—made it the only trusted intermediary capable of handling such a sensitive mission, a view echoed by former ambassador Masood Khan. Beyond the Cold‑War episode, Pakistan has repeatedly leveraged its geography and Muslim‑world connections. It served as the primary conduit for U.S., Saudi and Chinese support to the Afghan mujahideen in the 1980s, helped broker the 1988 Geneva Accords that ended the Soviet occupation, and hosted the 2015 Murree talks between the Taliban and the Afghan government. During the 2020 Doha Agreement, Pakistani pressure on the Taliban was cited by U.S. envoy Zalmay Khalilzad as instrumental, though the rapid U.S. withdrawal and subsequent Taliban takeover left Pakistan’s long‑term interests ambiguous. Efforts to mediate Saudi‑Iran tensions have been less fruitful. In 2016, Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif’s shuttle diplomacy failed to produce a formal agreement, and a 2019 outreach by Prime Minister Imran Khan, prompted by President Trump, yielded no concrete outcome. When China facilitated the 2023 Saudi‑Iran rapprochement, Pakistan’s foreign office claimed it had laid the groundwork, but analysts still view the result as a Chinese‑led success. Pakistan’s brief 2005 overture to Israel, led by Foreign Minister Khurshid Mahmud Kasuri, similarly collapsed under domestic opposition, illustrating the limits of its diplomatic reach when internal politics intervene. Since the launch of Operation Epic Fury—the US‑Israeli air campaign that began in late February 2026 and resulted in the death of Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei—Pakistan’s leadership has intensified back‑channel activity. Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif has held multiple calls with Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian, while Army Chief Field Marshal Asim Munir spoke directly with President Trump. Both officials have also visited Saudi Arabia, where Pakistan signed a mutual defence pact in September 2025. Former ambassador Naghmana Hashmi observes that Pakistan’s diplomatic narrative is often eclipsed by conflict, yet a “quieter, more consistent thread” persists: the state’s effort to turn its strategic location and Muslim‑world ties into a lever for peace. Whether the current cease‑fire talks will yield a durable settlement remains uncertain. What is clear, however, is that Pakistan enjoys a rare blend of trust from Washington, Tehran and Gulf capitals—a leverage few regional actors possess.