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The Plague, directed by Charlie Polinger, is a gripping debut feature that plunges into the psychological depths of a boy's water polo training camp in the summer of 2003. The film impressively captures the brutal hierarchy driven by braggadocio, bullying, hazing, and gaslighting among the young campers.The story follows Ben, a latecomer to the camp, played by Everett Blunck, who desperately tries to ingratiate himself with the cool crowd led by the impish Jake, played by Kayo Martin. Ben aims to avoid the pariah status of Eli, played by Kenny Rasmussen, who is supposedly afflicted with a made-up disease dubbed 'the plague' by the group.The film's stylistic bite is reminiscent of David Fincher's work, with a stunning initial submerged shot of a pool glittering like a starfield. Polinger also showcases a keen ear for the nonsense conversations among the 12-year-old campers, discussing topics such as 90s rock outfit Smash Mouth and the ethics of bestiality.While the film flirts with body horror, it never quite resolves its suggestion that the plague could be psychosomatic. Despite this, the young performers stand out in their unfiltered rawness, particularly Blunck, Martin, and Rasmussen. The film is a memorable education in the laws of the tween jungle, with Joel Edgerton providing a reassuring presence as Coach Daddy Wags.The Plague is set to be released on digital platforms from April 20, 2026.

Modern combat has been reshaped by the Russia‑Ukraine war, the Gaza clashes, India‑Pakistan skirmishes and the recent US‑Israel strikes on Iran, driving an unprecedented global appetite for drones, missiles and sophisticated air‑defence systems. Turkey, a leading military power in the Middle East, is positioning itself as a key supplier in this booming market. At the heart of Turkey’s push is Roketsan, a firm founded in 1988 to equip the Turkish Armed Forces. Today the company exports to roughly 50 nations and is counted among the fastest‑growing defence enterprises worldwide. Bypassing Western embargoes has been a catalyst for this growth. After the United States imposed CAATSA sanctions in 2020 and removed Turkey from the F‑35 programme, Ankara was forced to develop an indigenous defence ecosystem. The result is a network of nearly 4,000 small and medium‑sized enterprises that now supplies over 90 % of the components used in Turkish weapons. Financially, the strategy is paying off. In 2025 Turkish defence exports reached $10 billion. Roketsan’s General Manager Murat Ikinci told Al Jazeera the firm sits at 71st place among global defence firms and is targeting a climb into the top 50, then top 20, and ultimately the top 10 by the end of the decade. To fuel this ambition, President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan inaugurated a suite of new facilities last week, including: Europe’s largest warhead production plant. A new R&D centre employing 1,000 engineers. The “Kirikkale” complex dedicated to rocket‑fuel research. Infrastructure for mass‑producing ballistic and cruise missiles. The construction represents a $1 billion outlay, with an additional $2 billion earmarked for scaling up production capacity. Roketsan’s R&D engine—the third‑largest in Turkey with 3,200 engineers—draws heavily on lessons from ongoing wars. The Ukraine conflict highlighted the effectiveness of cheap FPV and AI‑guided kamikaze drones, prompting Roketsan to field systems such as the ALKA and BURC air‑defences and the laser‑guided CIRIT missile. Recent US‑Israel operations against Iran have underscored the threat posed by low‑cost Iranian‑designed Shahed drones, now upgraded with Russian “Kometa‑B” anti‑jamming modules. These swarms have overwhelmed regional defences and even struck a British base in Cyprus in March 2026, while NATO intercepted three Iranian ballistic missiles that entered Turkish airspace. In response, Roketsan is advancing the “Tayfun” (Typhoon) missile family. The flagship Tayfun Block 4 is a hypersonic ballistic missile designed to pierce advanced air‑defence layers at extreme speeds. When pressed for specifics, Ikinci declined to disclose the exact range, noting only that it is “sufficient.” Strategically, Turkey is shifting away from Western dependence toward an “Eastern” partnership model. Roketsan now offers joint production and technology‑development agreements, establishing co‑located facilities and R&D centres across the Middle East, Far East and Europe. Qatar has been cited as a flagship example of this collaborative approach. Roketsan has identified five priority product lines to meet rising global demand: Long‑range ballistic and cruise missiles. Advanced air‑defence systems, including “Steel Dome”, Hisar‑A, Hisar‑O and Siper. Submarine‑launched cruise missiles leveraging the AKYA system. Smart micro‑munitions for armed drones. Long‑range air‑to‑air missiles, a capability highlighted by the recent India‑Pakistan clash. The timing is critical. Ongoing conflicts have depleted the stockpiles of high‑end air‑defence assets worldwide. During the US‑Israel‑Iran confrontation, the United States relied heavily on Patriot and THAAD systems, raising concerns that interceptor inventories could run low. Gulf states, which have logged over 1,000 drone sightings in their airspace, are actively seeking alternative solutions—an opening that Turkey’s self‑sufficient supply chain is poised to fill. Analysts warn that even major powers like the United States will need years to rebuild their air‑defence inventories due to the complexity of production. Turkey’s claim of near‑complete domestic manufacturing positions it as a ready supplier for nations eager to diversify away from traditional Western sources. As demand for missiles and drones surges, Roketsan is reinvesting its revenues into expanding production infrastructure, aiming to cement its place among the world’s elite defence exporters.

President Donald Trump's ambitious plan to erect a colossal arch in Washington, DC, has cleared a significant hurdle with the US Commission of Fine Arts giving its approval to the proposed design. The arch, which would stand at 76 meters (250 feet) high, is intended to be built on Memorial Circle, between the Arlington National Cemetery and the Lincoln Memorial. The commission's approval is a crucial step forward for the project, which has faced criticism and legal challenges. The arch would be significantly larger than the Lincoln Memorial, which stands at 99 feet (30 meters) tall, and approximately twice as tall as the famous Arc de Triomphe in Paris, which the design resembles. The proposed monument, dubbed the 'Triumphal Arch,' would feature the phrases 'One Nation Under God' and 'Liberty and Justice for All' in gold lettering atop either side. However, the design has faced opposition, with about three out of every four people who delivered public comments expressing opposition, many citing its enormous size. Criticism has also centered on the potential impact on views of the national cemetery, a resting place for war veterans. Public Citizen Litigation Group is representing some Vietnam War veterans in a lawsuit against the proposed construction, arguing that it needs congressional approval. Even within the Commission of Fine Arts, there was some dissent. James McCrery II, the vice chair, suggested modifications to the design, including removing the winged statue and eagles on top and the lions at its base, citing that African animals are 'not a beast natural to the North American continent.' The project is part of Trump's efforts to leave his mark on the physical landscape of Washington, DC. The commission still needs to vote on final approval for the proposal after reviewing updated designs. If given final approval, the arch would tower above other landmarks in the national capital.

The Modi administration is accelerating a 2023 statute that would earmark 33 percent of seats in India’s parliament and state legislatures for women. The initiative, presented during a three‑day special parliamentary session, is tied to a broader proposal to expand the Lok Sabha from its current 543 seats to 850 through a nationwide delimitation exercise. Prime Minister Narendra Modi framed the bills as historic steps toward gender empowerment, stating, “We’re set to take historic steps to empower women.” The three bills require a two‑thirds majority in both houses; with the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) holding 293 of the 543 lower‑house seats, it falls short of the 360 votes needed. Women presently occupy only 14 percent of Lok Sabha seats. Parliamentary Affairs Minister Kiren Rijiju emphasized a united effort to secure “rightful positions” for women, while noting that India already reserves one‑third of local‑government seats for female representatives. Opposition parties, however, warn that the delimitation component—redrawing constituency boundaries based on population—could tilt the political balance in favor of the BJP, which draws strong support from the densely populated northern states. Critics argue that expanding seats based on the 2011 census, the last completed count, would disproportionately benefit the north and marginalise southern regions where population growth has slowed. The Indian Constitution mandates constituency revision after each census, but the last delimitation occurred after the 1971 census. The government’s draft proposes applying the 2011 census data for the next general election slated for 2029. Opposition leaders, including Rahul Gandhi of the Indian National Congress, contend that the timing is a ploy to consolidate power, describing the move as “gerrymandering through the backdoor.” Further dissent emerged from the south: Tamil Nadu Chief Minister MK Stalin publicly burned a copy of the bill and raised a black flag, urging statewide protests against what he termed “the arrogance of the fascist BJP.” Several southern MPs attended parliament in black as a symbolic protest. The BJP counters that the seat increase will be applied uniformly— a 50 percent rise across all states— preserving proportional representation. Yet the draft delimitation bill lacks explicit language confirming this uniformity. With the debate set to continue, the outcome will shape not only women’s political representation but also the geographic balance of power in India’s largest democracy, influencing electoral dynamics for the next decade.

California's attorney general has filed a lawsuit accusing Amazon of orchestrating price‑fixing schemes, based on newly unsealed court records released this week. The filing alleges the e‑commerce giant colluded with vendors to artificially set product prices, violating state antitrust statutes and potentially harming consumers.The unsealed documents, obtained through a freedom‑of‑information request, detail internal communications suggesting Amazon pressured sellers to maintain uniform pricing across its platform. Prosecutors argue this practice restricts competition and inflates costs for shoppers in the Golden State.While the case is still in its early stages, legal experts warn that a ruling against Amazon could set a precedent for broader antitrust scrutiny of online marketplaces nationwide. The lawsuit also underscores growing regulatory focus on big‑tech firms' market power.Amazon has declined to comment on the allegations pending further proceedings. The outcome may influence future policy debates on how digital platforms should be regulated to ensure fair pricing and competition.

Telenor, majority-owned by the Norwegian government, entered Myanmar in 2013 with promises to connect isolated users. However, allegations suggest that the company provided data on over 1,200 customers to the military regime, aiding in the arrest and persecution of anti-coup activists.Aung Thu, an activist, claims that his data was released by Telenor in late September 2021, leading to his re-arrest and charge under counter-terrorism laws. A class-action lawsuit filed in Norway seeks €11m in compensation for 1,253 customers allegedly affected.Telenor's transparency reports reveal it complied with 96% of 153 data requests from authorities. The company's actions have raised concerns about its role in propping up the military junta and breaching trust with its customers.Norwegian politicians and human rights activists have called for accountability and greater transparency on the government's role in the matter. The incident has sparked debate about Norway's image as a defender of peace and human rights.

The biggest public backer of World Liberty Financial, the crypto venture co‑founded by the Trump family, has publicly accused the firm of embedding a covert "backdoor blacklisting" feature that allows it to freeze token holdings at will. On Sunday, blockchain entrepreneur Justin Sun posted on X, alleging that World Liberty’s smart contracts for the WLFI token contain a tool that can unilaterally freeze, restrict, or confiscate any user’s assets without cause or recourse. Sun did not provide evidence, but said his own wallet was locked in September, making him the "first and single largest victim" of the alleged mechanism. World Liberty responded on X, stating, "We have the contracts. We have the evidence. We have the truth. See you in court, pal," and directed observers to its own posts for clarification. The company’s official risk disclosures do note that it may block or freeze addresses deemed linked to illegal activity or terms violations – a practice also employed by other crypto issuers such as Tether. Sun, who invested tens of millions of dollars in WLFI and later increased his stake to at least $75 million according to his 2025 posts, has not shared the purported blockchain records that supposedly show his wallet being blacklisted by a single administrative account. World Liberty, launched in 2024, claimed it would empower small investors through a decentralized‑finance app that has yet to launch. Reuters analysis indicated the venture generated **more than $460 million** for the Trump family in the first half of 2025. In March, the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission settled a 2023 lawsuit against Sun for $10 million, alleging fraud and the sale of unregistered crypto securities. Sun made no admission of wrongdoing. The dispute highlights the murky regulatory environment for crypto in the United States, where the SEC has limited jurisdiction and has declined to comment on the legality of token‑freezing practices.

The Fallen by Louise Brangan offers a meticulously researched portrait of the Magdalene laundries, the most notorious component of Ireland’s 20th‑century network of correctional institutions. The review notes that, at their peak in 1951, the country held 70 women per 100,000 in these laundries compared with 27 men per 100,000 in prisons, underscoring the laundries as the primary carceral system for females. Although established under state authority, the facilities were operated by Catholic nuns. Girls as young as nine and women into their eighties were compelled to work six days a week, without wages, on arduous, often hand‑operated machinery. Discipline was severe, and any minor infraction could trigger harsh punishment. The book illustrates how women were funneled into the system with little justification. Brangan recounts the case of a 15‑year‑old named Eileen, who vanished in February 1954 after being approached by members of the Legion of Mary—a lay group tasked with policing Ireland’s moral standards. She was taken to a gated house marked “Saint Mary Magdalen’s Asylum,” stripped of her identity, and assigned the number “60.” The narrative emphasizes that many detainees were simply “wayward or unwanted”—homeless, abused, or otherwise marginalized—rather than having committed any serious crime. Brangan draws a stark parallel between the Catholic Church’s grip on Irish society and the Communist Party’s control in Eastern Europe before 1989, suggesting both operated as pervasive, authoritarian forces. The laundries, though conspicuously situated among ordinary businesses, were largely ignored by a public that chose not to confront the “tall, locked iron gates” and the suffering behind them. The review situates the laundries within a broader context of institutional abuse, referencing the mother‑and‑baby homes that saw an estimated 56,000 women and girls pass through, with roughly 57,000 babies born, most notably at the Bon Secours home in Tuam. Investigations by Catherine Corless uncovered a mass grave of nearly 800 infants, highlighting the systemic nature of the tragedy. Financial redress has been slow. To date, the Irish government has disbursed more than €33 million to survivors of the laundries, while most religious orders have refused to contribute. A survivor’s testimony, quoted by Brangan, captures the lingering impact: “There’s always something in my life that will remind me of my past… I’ll never heal.” The review concludes by noting that the book, published by Bodley Head at £22, serves both as a harrowing testament and a call to remember a dark chapter of Irish history that continues to shape the lives of those who endured it.

After a 90‑year blackout, MGM’s 1932 melodrama Letty Lynton is set for its first legal public screening. The film, starring Hollywood icon Joan Crawford, was withdrawn in 1937 following a plagiarism lawsuit and pressure from the Hays Office, which deemed its risqué themes “unfit for adaptation”.The controversy began when MGM attempted to acquire the rights to the Broadway hit Dishonored Lady, a play notorious for its depictions of booze, drugs and sexual intrigue. After the playwrights demanded $30,000—a sum the studio balked at—MGM settled for the cheaper novel by Marie Belloc Lowndes for $3,500. The resulting film, inspired by the 1857 murder trial of Scottish socialite Madeleine Smith, shocked contemporary censors with scenes such as Crawford’s character watching her ex‑lover sip poisoned champagne.Legal battles intensified when playwrights Edward Sheldon and Margaret Ayer Barnes sued MGM for plagiarism, alleging the movie copied their work rather than the novel. The protracted case forced MGM to pull the film from circulation in 1937, and a year later Crawford herself was labeled “box‑office poison”. Yet both the actress and the film survived, resurfacing in cultural memory through fashion and later adaptations.Beyond cinema, Letty Lynton left an indelible mark on 1930s style. Costume designer Adrian created a white organdy dress with exaggerated sleeves for Crawford; the design was mass‑produced for Macy’s and sparked a nationwide craze. Edith Head later called the dress “cinema’s single biggest influence on fashion”.The film’s revival is largely credited to Crawford’s grandson, Casey LaLonde. In an Instagram post, he announced that the play’s copyright would expire on 31 December 2025, clearing the legal path for a public showing. Warner Bros., which now holds the rights to many pre‑1986 MGM titles, restored the picture in 4K and arranged for its debut at the TCM Film Festival in Los Angeles on 1 May 2026. The movie will also be issued on Blu‑ray and DVD through the Warner Archive.LaLonde thanked Warner Bros. and library historian George Feltenstein for making the restoration possible, noting that without their effort “we wouldn’t have this fabulous film to see again on big and small screens.”Fans of classic Hollywood can finally experience a piece of cinema history that was once deemed too daring for the silver screen, offering a fresh look at Joan Crawford’s daring performance and the era’s bold storytelling.