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The EU's new entry-exit system (EES) has caused significant delays at several European airports, with travellers waiting up to three hours at border checks. The system, which came into effect on Friday in the Schengen countries, requires passengers from non-EU countries to register their personal information and biometrics at the border.Passengers in airports in countries such as France, Germany, Belgium, Italy, Spain, and Greece are experiencing several hours of waiting at border checks, according to the Airports Council International (ACI) body. Olivier Jankovec, the director of the ACI European division, warned that the situation will be "simply unmanageable" in the coming weeks and peak summer months.The EES has been gradually introduced since October and has already caused long delays at some airports. On Sunday, the BBC reported that more than 100 passengers were unable to board an easyJet flight from Milan to Manchester before it took off due to delays at passport desks.Airport representatives and the European Commission held a meeting to discuss problems with the system on Tuesday. The ACI has asked to extend existing exemptions and the power to fully suspend the new checks. Jankovec told the FT that the ACI needed the ability to "fully suspend EES registration whenever there are excessive waiting times at border control that are just unmanageable".A spokesperson for the European Commission said that the system is working well, with an average registration time of 70 seconds per passenger. However, the ACI has claimed that it can take up to five minutes. The commission said that there were a "few member states where technical issues have been detected" but that they "are being addressed".The EES has registered more than 52m entries and exits, as well as more than 27,000 refusals of entry, since its introduction in October. Almost 700 people were identified as posing a security threat.

Sir Craig Reedie, who has died aged 84, was a pivotal figure in London's successful bid to stage the 2012 Olympics. As a member of the London Organising Committee for the Olympic Games from 2005 to 2013, he formed a highly effective partnership with Sebastian Coe, the bid leader, doing crucial work behind the scenes to secure the Games for London.Reedie's diplomatic skills and influential presence within the Olympic and Paralympic movement were instrumental in winning the support of British politicians and marshalling the votes of Olympic delegates. Coe credited Reedie with playing a vital role in London's bid success, saying that without his efforts, London might never have won the right to host the 2012 Games.Reedie's commitment to drug-free competition was unwavering. He was a founder board member of the World Anti-Doping Agency (Wada) in 2000 and served as its president from 2014 to 2019. During his tenure, he clashed with the then IOC president Thomas Bach over Russia's state-sponsored doping regime, ultimately leading to Wada banning Russia from all international competition in 2019.Reedie's sports career began as a leading badminton player. He later became president of the International Badminton Federation and successfully campaigned for the sport's inclusion in the Olympics. His administrative work in badminton led to his appointment as chair of the British Olympic Association (BOA) and later as a member of the International Olympic Committee (IOC), where he served as vice-president from 2012 to 2016.Throughout his career, Reedie was known for his tough but charming demeanor, earning him respect from his peers. He was knighted in 2006 and elevated to knight grand cross in 2018. The Sir Craig Reedie Badminton Centre in Glasgow was renamed in his honor in 2014.

Narwhal Labs, a UK-based AI firm, has been accused of running a misogynistic and sexist advertising campaign. The company's ads, which include a woman next to the strapline 'She outworks everyone. And she'll never ask for a raise,' have sparked outrage and garnered at least seven complaints to the Advertising Standards Authority (ASA). The ASA is assessing the complaints to determine whether there are grounds for further action, although a formal investigation has not been launched. The ads, which can be found online, had been displayed on large banners at Bristol airport but were taken down after concerns were raised. Critics, including Kate Bell, assistant general secretary of the Trades Union Congress, and Rebecca Horne, head of communications and campaigns at Pregnant Then Screwed, have condemned the ads as sexist and misogynistic, perpetuating toxic stereotypes about women in the workplace. Narwhal Labs, which recently secured £20m in investment funding, has defended its campaign, stating that it was not intended to be perceived as misogynistic or racist. The company is calling for legislation to regulate the use of AI and protect workers' rights. The controversy highlights the need for greater accountability and regulation in the AI industry, particularly when it comes to advertising and its potential impact on society.

When the U.S. men’s national team (USMNT) arrived in France for the 1998 World Cup, 16 Major League Soccer (MLS) players featured in the 22‑man squad – a deliberate move by the fledgling league to showcase its talent after its 1996 launch.Since that high point, the MLS presence has steadily receded: the 2002 quarter‑final run averaged 5.4 MLS starters per match, 2006 fell to 3.33, 2010 to 2, and the 2022 tournament saw only oneno MLS players at all, a first since the league’s inception.The 2014 World Cup in Brazil was an outlier, with an average of 4.75 MLS starters across four matches. That spike reflected a brief MLS push to lure high‑profile Americans – Clint Dempsey from Tottenham and Michael Bradley from Roma – back to Seattle and Toronto.Looking ahead to the 2026 World Cup on home soil, the realistic outlook is that only two MLS players could start: goalkeeper Matt Freese (NYC FC) or, less likely, Matt Turner (New England Revolution), alongside veteran defender Tim Ream (Charlotte FC). Even head coach Mauricio Pochettino’s favored midfielder Diego Luna (Real Salt Lake) is unlikely to displace established stars such as Christian Pulisic, Weston McKennie or Malik Tillman.This contraction raises the question of whether the World Cup serves as a referendum on MLS’s quality. With the tournament split between the United States and Canada, the scarcity of MLS starters will be starkly visible, yet it does not mean the league’s influence has vanished.Indeed, the league’s impact now lies in its academy pipeline. Of the 27 players the Guardian’s US soccer desk identified as “on the squad” or “in contention,” 19 were products of MLS academies – up from 16 in the 2022 roster. Including Tim Weah’s brief stint with the New York Red Bulls youth set‑up would raise that figure to 20.The only non‑academy players are dual nationals who grew up abroad, with the notable exception of Christian Pulisic, who left the U.S. as a teenager to develop at Borussia Dortmund.Unlike 2014, MLS has not supplied any established national‑team regulars for the 2026 campaign (aside from Toronto FC’s Josh Sargent, whose World Cup chances appear slim). Consequently, American fans may not see the tournament’s stars on their local MLS pitches, a factor that could challenge fan‑base growth.Nevertheless, this aligns with MLS’s long‑term strategy: investing in the development of domestic youth and promising talent from the wider hemisphere rather than chasing marquee signings. The forthcoming USMNT may lack a pronounced MLS imprint on the field, but its DNA will still be rooted in the league’s developmental system.

Becoming a parent reshapes every facet of daily life—the late‑night outings fade, responsibility expands, and the role shifts from being cared for to becoming a caretaker. This profound transition forms the emotional core of Jess Brodie’s new play, Gush. The playwright deliberately zeroes in on the moments before birth, a period she describes as a “still point” where reflection and anticipation collide. Rather than dramatizing labor itself, Brodie explores the inner landscape of a woman on the brink of motherhood. At the centre of the piece is Ally, a pregnant woman whose bulging belly becomes a visual reminder of her mounting anxieties. She grapples with sleepless nights, dietary restrictions, and the looming deadline of maternity leave, while also confronting an unfinished personal identity that must now accommodate the role of “mum”. Beyond the familiar pressures of pregnancy, the monologue delves into Ally’s quest for self‑realisation. The impending birth is portrayed as a ticking time‑bomb, intensifying her doubts about a middle‑class existence shared with a neurotic, controlling partner. The narrative questions whether she should finally honour the sexual desires she has long suppressed. Critics may note the play’s narrow focus—its politics are largely self‑absorbed, and its feminist themes risk sounding solipsistic. Nevertheless, Brodie’s script is laced with wit and unexpected turns, keeping the audience firmly engaged. In Becky Hope‑Palmer’s meticulously crafted production, the set—half stark white surface, half inviting cushion pool—mirrors the tension between alienation and comfort. It is Jessica Hardwick’s performance that elevates the piece. Her voice, both resonant and precise, navigates Brodie’s rapid tonal shifts—from irony to panic, embarrassment to eroticism, fury to humor—with remarkable sensitivity. Hardwick’s portrayal makes Gush a must‑see, even for those who might otherwise overlook the play’s limited thematic scope. The production runs at the Traverse Theatre in Edinburgh until 25 April.

The Brexit debate has taken a significant turn, with Keir Starmer's government now openly acknowledging the need for closer ties with the EU. This shift in approach comes as the UK faces increasing global uncertainty, including Vladimir Putin's territorial aggression, Donald Trump's geopolitical vandalism, and China's emergence as a superpower.In opposition, Starmer had pushed Brexit to the margin of debate. However, in government, he has learned that Europe is central to Britain's interests, whether discussed or not. The avoidance of painful arguments from the past has turned out to be a handicap when making plans for the future.Labour's 2024 general election manifesto had pretended that Brexit was a historical event, something Boris Johnson got 'done' in 2020. However, the relationship with the EU cannot be settled due to its evolving nature and the UK's position as an ex-member on its border.The options are now more Brexit or less, never a steady state. Johnson's Brexit deal was structured to accelerate separation over time, with the theory that divergence from EU rules would give Britain a competitive advantage. However, this Eurosceptic fantasy has been exposed as wrong, with the UK now seeking to put Johnson's divergence ratchet into reverse.Downing Street's acceptance of this logic has been flagged by a gradual change in rhetoric, with the prime minister now listing Brexit as an affliction in the same category as the Covid pandemic. The chancellor, Rachel Reeves, identifies closer integration with Europe as 'the biggest prize' in a dash for growth.To facilitate a more intimate relationship, the government proposes legislation that will give ministers open-ended powers to adopt EU standards for various sectors of the economy. This 'dynamic alignment' is supposed to make it easier for businesses to move goods into the single market and make Britain a more attractive destination for investment.However, the Conservatives and Reform UK are appalled, objecting to the circumvention of future legislative scrutiny by the use of so-called Henry VIII powers. The real grievance is the old ideological one, equating any application of single market rules to colonisation by Brussels.As Starmer tries to go in this direction, he will collide with familiar Brexit obstacles. The European Commission will insist there can be no 'cherrypicking' from the single market; that non-member states wanting to enjoy the benefits of a European club can expect to pay subscription fees into European budgets.Opinion polls routinely show a clear majority of voters think Brexit has gone badly. The logic of pooling resources with continental neighbours can only grow in the light of wildfires started by Trump along the international horizon.Starmer knows these conditions permit a more assertive agenda of EU integration. However, it is hard to take bolder strides within red lines – no free movement; no single market membership; no customs union – drawn when Labour's Europe policy was defined by the preference to change the subject.

The Italian comedy-drama Diamanti is set in a costume atelier in 1970s Rome and features a predominantly female ensemble. While it may be light on comedy, the drama is decidedly on the melo end of the scale, making it a sumptuously soapy dramedy. The film's strength lies in its luscious-looking period costumes, which specialize in 18th-century silhouettes and 1970s prints.Director Ferzan Özpetek brings his love and sincerity to the film, which is inspired by his visits to costume studios around Rome in the 80s. The story follows sisters Alberta (Luisa Ranieri) and Gabriella (Jasmine Trinca) as they run a studio staffed by dozens of seamstresses. The film's framing device features Özpetek himself gathering his cast for a read-through, where one character describes the female assemblage as a “vaginodromo”.The film explores various subplots, including girl-on-girl tension among the staff, a battered wife urged to defy her husband, and a political protestor with a gift for passementerie and decoupage. The costumes designed by Stefano Ciammitti convince throughout, and the film's 135-minute runtime feels breathless, never draggy.Diamanti is set to release in UK and Irish cinemas from 17 April. With its stacked cast and Özpetek's direction, this film is sure to delight fans of period dramas and costume films.

The Fallen by Louise Brangan offers a meticulously researched portrait of the Magdalene laundries, the most notorious component of Ireland’s 20th‑century network of correctional institutions. The review notes that, at their peak in 1951, the country held 70 women per 100,000 in these laundries compared with 27 men per 100,000 in prisons, underscoring the laundries as the primary carceral system for females. Although established under state authority, the facilities were operated by Catholic nuns. Girls as young as nine and women into their eighties were compelled to work six days a week, without wages, on arduous, often hand‑operated machinery. Discipline was severe, and any minor infraction could trigger harsh punishment. The book illustrates how women were funneled into the system with little justification. Brangan recounts the case of a 15‑year‑old named Eileen, who vanished in February 1954 after being approached by members of the Legion of Mary—a lay group tasked with policing Ireland’s moral standards. She was taken to a gated house marked “Saint Mary Magdalen’s Asylum,” stripped of her identity, and assigned the number “60.” The narrative emphasizes that many detainees were simply “wayward or unwanted”—homeless, abused, or otherwise marginalized—rather than having committed any serious crime. Brangan draws a stark parallel between the Catholic Church’s grip on Irish society and the Communist Party’s control in Eastern Europe before 1989, suggesting both operated as pervasive, authoritarian forces. The laundries, though conspicuously situated among ordinary businesses, were largely ignored by a public that chose not to confront the “tall, locked iron gates” and the suffering behind them. The review situates the laundries within a broader context of institutional abuse, referencing the mother‑and‑baby homes that saw an estimated 56,000 women and girls pass through, with roughly 57,000 babies born, most notably at the Bon Secours home in Tuam. Investigations by Catherine Corless uncovered a mass grave of nearly 800 infants, highlighting the systemic nature of the tragedy. Financial redress has been slow. To date, the Irish government has disbursed more than €33 million to survivors of the laundries, while most religious orders have refused to contribute. A survivor’s testimony, quoted by Brangan, captures the lingering impact: “There’s always something in my life that will remind me of my past… I’ll never heal.” The review concludes by noting that the book, published by Bodley Head at £22, serves both as a harrowing testament and a call to remember a dark chapter of Irish history that continues to shape the lives of those who endured it.

Leeds, the largest European city still without a mass‑transit system, may finally see a tram line – but not before the late 2030s. The latest West Yorkshire Mass Transit plan, championed by combined‑authority mayor Tracy Brabin, received a fresh £200 million in development funding, part of a broader £2.1 billion allocation for the region.City council leader James Lewis, who began his career on a 1993 work‑experience placement with the council’s highways department, says the new scheme differs from past attempts. Instead of squeezing trams onto existing bus routes, the proposal envisions a dedicated line that could “float over or under the M621 motorway, similar to the Docklands Light Railway,” linking the White Rose shopping centre, Elland Road stadium, Leeds railway station and St James’s Hospital.The Treasury’s independent review, however, forced the government to demand a fresh business case that proves the need for trams rather than buses. This procedural hurdle has added roughly two years to the timetable, pushing the projected opening into the late 2030s. Brabin acknowledges the setback, noting critics now claim the project is effectively “cancelled,” but she insists the work is merely delayed, not abandoned.Leeds’ transport woes date back to the removal of its historic double‑deck tram network in 1959 and the construction of the M621, which many locals blame for isolating the city’s south side. A 2025 Treasury review warned that previous “Supertram” proposals failed because they could not demonstrate sufficient value for money, leading to the withdrawal of funding in 2005 and the abandonment of a trolley‑bus plan in 2016.Supporters argue the tram is essential for unlocking massive regeneration. Leeds United investor Pete Lowy predicts the line could catalyse up to £1 billion of investment, including 2,500 new homes, retail and leisure space, and a 15,000‑seat stadium expansion. Northern Powerhouse Partnership chief executive Henri Murison points to the emerging South Gateway development in Bradford as evidence that transport‑led investment is already materialising.Critics remain sceptical. Leeds University transport professor Greg Marsden questions how an 18‑year‑long project can still be justified, while local residents voice doubts that a tram can ever be built in a city they consider “not big enough.” Tom Forth, co‑founder of data‑city firm Information Group, blames centralised decision‑making in London, arguing that devolved funding would accelerate delivery.In the meantime, the council is focusing on improving bus services, which will come under public control in 2027. Centre for Cities analyst Rob Johnson notes that increasing bus frequencies could immediately benefit the 390,000 residents currently poorly connected, potentially delivering more mobility gains than a tram in the short term.Nevertheless, Brabin maintains that trams are “more attractive, carry more passengers, and generate more jobs and growth” than buses, and she reaffirms her promise: “I promised a tram, and a tram is what we’re going to get.” The pledge to have “spades in the ground” by 2028 for preparatory works remains on the table, even as the project navigates the Treasury’s stringent process.