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Les Kiss is set to take over the Wallabies in July, inheriting a side desperate to climb back to the top of world rugby. He faces a tight schedule – 14 months and 19 Tests – before the 2027 Rugby World Cup that Australia will host. Describing his mandate, Kiss stresses that he is not aiming for a radical overhaul. "It's not a revolution, it's evolution," he told the Guardian. "Core values like discipline, accountability and strategic planning stay firmly in place." What makes Kiss an outlier is his background: a former rugby league international who never played union at senior level. He says this forced him to "earn his stripes" in the union code, learning that culture and standards in the locker room drive performance on the field. His personal story is rooted in a family that escaped the Hungarian Revolution and settled in Bundaberg, and a playing career that saw him sprint down the wing before a knee injury sidelined him for four years. Those experiences, he believes, forged the resilience he now brings to coaching. After a stint in marketing and junior coaching, Kiss transitioned to union coaching, first as a defence coach for the Springboks (2001‑02), then as an assistant with Ireland (2009‑15), director of Ulster Rugby, and finally a three‑year spell with London Irish in the Premiership. Returning to Australia in 2024 to lead the Queensland Reds, he guided the franchise to its most prolific try‑scoring season in three decades, back‑to‑back quarter‑final appearances and record crowd numbers. The Reds sit 4‑2 in the 2026 Super Rugby Pacific season and are eyeing a top‑four finish. Kiss’s coaching philosophy centres on connection. "Coaching is about rapport and building something strong together," he says, adding that he is fully invested and treats every team like family. His transition to the Wallabies will be smoothed by a close partnership with current head coach Joe Schmidt. The two have shared roughly 40 Tests, developing a strong rapport that Kiss believes will help him "understand the breakdown" and set the right structures for success. The emerging "Kiss army" already includes former All Blacks staffer Scott McLeod as defence coach, analyst Eoin Toolan, set‑piece specialist Tom Donnelly, scrum guru Mike Cron, and consultant Laurie Fisher. Skills coach Mick Byrne and U20s boss Chris Whitaker also remain on board. While his new responsibilities grow, Kiss assures fans he remains 100% committed to the Reds, vowing not to let the franchise down despite his expanding duties. On the player front, Kiss highlights a blend of seasoned talent and fresh faces that could power Australia’s World Cup campaign. The likes of Mark Nawaqanitawase, Max Jorgensen, former winger Dylan Pietsch, and NRL convert Zac Lomax are poised to add dynamism, while 18‑year‑old prodigy Treyvan Pritachard offers a glimpse of the future. Ultimately, Kiss believes the Wallabies embody a uniquely Australian style – inventive, physical, and expressive – forged in backyard games and a culture of resilience. "The Australian way isn’t formulaic; it’s about solving problems on the field in our own special way," he concludes.

Chris Haskins, Lord Haskins, who has died at the age of 88, was a highly influential figure in British business and politics. He was a key supporter of Tony Blair's New Labour project and played a crucial role in advising on regulatory reform and rural affairs. Early Life and Career Born in Dublin, Ireland, Haskins studied modern history at Trinity College Dublin, where he developed a reputation as a radical. He began his career in journalism, covering the Aldermaston marches for the Irish Times, before moving into business. In 1959, he traveled to England, married Gilda Horsley, and joined his father-in-law's company, Northern Dairies, which later became Northern Foods. Business Achievements Under Haskins' leadership, Northern Foods grew into Britain's leading food manufacturer. He was instrumental in developing chilled food techniques, which enabled the mass production of ready meals and convenience foods. A significant partnership with Marks & Spencer was established, which became a cornerstone of the company's success, generating annual sales of half a billion pounds. Public Service and Politics Haskins was a vocal advocate for various public causes, including European monetary union, English regional devolution, and the reduction of subsidies to British agriculture. He served as a 'rural tsar' during the foot and mouth outbreak of 2001 and authored a rural recovery report for Defra, which proposed a shift towards environmental concerns and a long-term reduction in subsidies. Legacy Throughout his life, Haskins was known for his 'no-nonsense approach' and his commitment to telling the truth as he saw it. He was a passionate advocate for regional devolution and took an active role in various Yorkshire economic bodies. Despite facing disappointment as governments wound down bodies he chaired, Haskins remained dedicated to his causes, reflecting on his life's work: 'Most of the campaigns of my life have failed, largely, I comfort myself, because I have been ahead of my time.' He is survived by his wife, Gilda, their five children, nine grandchildren, and a great-granddaughter.

Eight Muslim-majority countries, including Pakistan, Turkey, Egypt, Indonesia, Jordan, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates, have issued a joint statement strongly condemning Israel's one-sided bill to impose the death penalty on Palestinians convicted of fatal attacks.The countries expressed deep concern over the conditions of Palestinian prisoners in Israeli detention, warning of mounting risks amid reports of ongoing abuses, including torture, inhumane and degrading treatment, starvation, and the denial of basic rights.Israel's parliament, the Knesset, passed the controversial bill on Monday, a one-sided law that will not impose the same penalty on Jewish Israelis convicted of killings. The law has been criticized by the United Nations and the European Union, but Israel's ally, the United States, came out in support of its sovereign right to determine its own laws.The eight countries also cautioned against measures by Israel that risk further inflaming tensions on the ground, stating that these practices reflect a broader pattern of violations against the Palestinian people.

Japan and Australia, the finalists of the Women's Asian Cup, have renewed calls for equal prize money with the men's tournament, directly challenging the Asian Football Confederation (AFC). The governing body has been accused of 'ignoring' previous requests.The Women's Asian Cup concluded with a historic final match between Japan and Australia, with Japan winning 1-0 in Sydney on March 21 before a record crowd of over 74,000 fans. The tournament itself made global headlines after seven members of the Iran squad sought asylum in Australia, citing 'traitor' labels at home for refusing to sing the national anthem.The $1.8m prize fund for the Women's Asian Cup is the same as in 2022, but significantly lower than the $14.8m on offer at the men's equivalent. A report by FIFPRO, the global footballers' union, indicated that the event could generate up to $82.4m in revenue. A record 350,000 fans attended the tournament during its three-week duration.In a joint statement released by FIFPRO, the Japan and Australia teams emphasized that despite the tournament's success, it remains the lowest-paying continental tournament in the world. They highlighted the significant inequality between the men's and women's game and called for equal prize money, which they believe would be 'transformational' for players and football communities across Asia.The statement also addressed the challenges faced by teams during the tournament, including the plight of the Iranian team and issues with equipment for India's players. The teams expect FIFA to honour its pledge of equal prize money for the 2027 FIFA Women's World Cup and will continue to fight for equality and respect for women players.In a related development, Japan sacked their coach, Nils Nielsen, just 12 days after their Asian Cup victory, citing his coaching style as 'lax' and 'lacking passion'.

The US government shutdown affecting the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) will persist, despite the Senate passing a funding bill. The partial shutdown, which began on February 14, will continue until at least Monday, when the House of Representatives reconvenes.The stalemate centers on whether DHS should reform its immigration procedures, following criticism of President Donald Trump’s mass deportation push. Democrats have refused to pass funding to Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) and Customs and Border Protection (CBP) without reforms to their practices.The shutdown has had several knock-on effects, including airport delays and unpaid workers. DHS, which oversees the Transportation Security Administration (TSA), has seen its airport security agents go without pay for six weeks. With agents calling out sick or leaving their jobs, US airports have reported long lines and widespread travel delays.President Trump has endorsed a plan to fully fund DHS, which involves a two-track approach: passing a bill to fund the department, except for ICE and CBP, and then funding ICE and CBP through separate spending legislation. Trump has also vowed to pay 'all' DHS employees, although details on how this will be achieved are unclear.The shutdown has been politically unpopular, with unions and transportation safety groups criticizing the strain it has placed on workers and airport security. Democrats have sought to leverage the funding bill to press for changes to Trump’s immigration policy, while Republicans have accused them of putting Americans' livelihoods in jeopardy for political gains.

Argentina has taken a significant step in its diplomatic relations with Iran by expelling the Iranian charge d'affaires in Buenos Aires, Mohsen Tehrani. This move comes in response to Iran's rejection of Argentina's decision to blacklist the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) as a 'terrorist' group.The Foreign Ministry of Argentina stated that Iran's response contained 'false, offensive and unfounded accusations against the Argentinian Republic and its highest authorities.' The ministry emphasized that these statements constitute unacceptable interference in Argentina's internal affairs and a deliberate misrepresentation of decisions adopted in accordance with international law and national law.Iran's Foreign Ministry had condemned Argentina's move against the IRGC, calling it an 'action against Iran's security and national interests.' Tehran accused Argentina of making this decision 'under the influence of inducements and pressures from the genocidal and occupying Zionist regime,' referring to Israel.The designation of the IRGC as a 'terrorist' group by Argentina follows similar moves by the US in 2019 and the European Union in January. Argentina's President Javier Milei, who has taken staunchly pro-Israel positions, described himself as 'the most Zionist president in the world.'The relationship between Argentina and Iran has been strained, particularly over the 1994 bombing of a Jewish centre in Buenos Aires, which an Argentinian court ruled was carried out by Iran. Iran has denied its involvement in the attack.Milei's government cited the 1994 attack in its decision to blacklist the IRGC. The Argentinian Ministry of Foreign Affairs accused Iran of failing to cooperate with the probe or hand over suspects in the case, stating that 'The Argentine Republic will not tolerate grievances or interference from a State that has systematically failed to comply with its international obligations and that persists in obstructing the progress of justice.'

Europe’s attention is fixed on Hungary’s parliamentary election scheduled for April 12, a contest many analysts view as a litmus test for the bloc’s cohesion on foreign‑policy, defence, energy and migration. Since coming to power, Prime Minister Viktor Orban has consistently blocked EU initiatives: he has refused to join a common asylum framework, opposed a joint defence scheme, resisted the shift toward renewable‑energy independence while still importing Russian hydrocarbons, and vetoed both Ukraine’s accession talks and a proposed €90 billion low‑interest loan package for Kyiv. These actions have made Hungary the most disruptive member state in the Union, prompting observers to argue that the election’s outcome will reverberate far beyond Budapest’s borders. Greek conservative MP Angelos Syrigos warned that the EU is plagued by “fanatically Trump‑like and pro‑Russian” governments, naming Hungary and Slovakia as examples. He told Al Jazeera that the constant threat of an Orban veto forces other capitals to seek ad‑hoc compromises rather than genuine consensus. Opposition leader Peter Magyar of the Tisza party is campaigning on a pro‑European platform, pledging a binding referendum on Ukraine’s membership, a crackdown on corruption, the release of billions in frozen EU funds, and a reversal of Hungary’s withdrawal from the International Criminal Court. Current polls give Tisza roughly 50 % of the vote, a ten‑point lead over the ruling Fidesz, though the political landscape remains fluid. Even a Magyar victory would not automatically resolve the EU’s structural challenges. Other illiberal leaders—such as Slovakia’s Robert Fico and the Czech Republic’s Andrej Babiš—could step into a vacuum of obstructionism. Nevertheless, some scholars argue that Orban’s habit of breaking consensus has forced the Union to become more pragmatic. At a December 2023 summit, EU leaders temporarily excluded Orban to secure unanimous approval of Ukraine’s candidate status, later offering Hungary a €10 billion release of blocked funds as an incentive. Professor Katalin Miklossy of the University of Helsinki explained that the EU has shifted from a rigid, rule‑bound approach to a more flexible, problem‑solving mindset, saying, “We were weak when we clung to the book; now we act more practically.” Should Orban remain in power, the bloc is considering a workaround: issuing 26 bilateral loans to Ukraine from member states, bypassing any single‑country veto. Historical precedent exists. In 2010, when Greece’s debt crisis threatened the euro, EU members created the Greek Loan Facility—an ad‑hoc series of bilateral loans that compensated for the lack of a common rescue fund. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy has warned that delays in funding could leave the Ukrainian army under‑resourced, underscoring the geopolitical stakes of the Hungarian vote. The EU’s inability to move from unanimity to qualified‑majority voting—an ambition thwarted by failed French and Dutch referenda in 2005—has amplified Orban’s leverage. Yet the Union continues to evolve, having launched a common bond in 2020 to revive the pandemic‑hit economy and, since Russia’s 2022 invasion, channeling resources into a nascent European defence union. Orban’s recent reversal on the €90 billion Ukraine loan—after Kyiv refused to repair the Druzhba pipeline damaged by a Russian bomb—illustrates the volatility of his stance. He initially agreed to the loan in December, on the condition that Hungary, Slovakia and the Czech Republic would not be required to co‑sign, only to withdraw support a month later. Even if Magyar secures a parliamentary majority, the promised loan may not materialise immediately. Cambridge‑based expert Victoria Vdovychenko notes that a decision made in December 2025 to disburse funds from January 2026 has already stalled, with the next realistic window possibly in June. Academics stress that a Tisza victory would deliver a psychological boost to the EU and its trans‑Atlantic partners, injecting confidence into a system battling “stealth creep of illiberalism” and economic disenfranchisement. Professor SM Amadae of Cambridge’s Centre for the Study of Existential Risk warned that while a change in Hungary could energise citizens, the entrenched gerrymandering and patronage networks of Fidesz present formidable obstacles to lasting reform. In sum, the April 12 election is more than a domestic contest; it is a pivotal moment that could reshape the EU’s decision‑making architecture, determine the flow of critical aid to Ukraine, and signal the future trajectory of populist politics across Europe.

It's been 12 months since Donald Trump's 'liberation day' on April 2, 2025, when the US president introduced tariffs on nearly every country the US did business with. The move sent shockwaves through the global economy, causing chaos in Washington and beyond. Experts say that if Trump had spent the last 14 months on the golf course instead of in the White House, the US economy would be in a better place. The wholesale slashing of government jobs and defunding of US aid agencies had already signaled that Trump was in a hurry to upset institutions he considered profligate or useless. Investors quickly understood that chaos was an essential tool in Trump's armoury. Almost as soon as he was inaugurated, there was a steady decline in the value of the dollar against other currencies. Investors sold assets denominated in dollars and bought assets elsewhere: Europe, Asia, South America. Dario Perkins, the head of global research at the consultancy TS Lombard, said: 'If you think that discouraging investors from buying assets in the US is a victory, then you don’t believe in a growing economy.' He added that Trump's policies had led to a decline in US manufacturing jobs and a growing trade deficit. The data supports Perkins' claims. US companies stopped hiring almost as soon as liberation day was announced. Significant revisions in February to data covering 2025 pushed payroll employment down by 403,000 jobs, resulting in the addition of just 181,000 jobs last year. This small boost is set against the 163 million people who are employed in the US. Russ Mould, the investment director of the British stockbroker AJ Bell, said: 'America is still home to the world’s largest economy and its reserve currency, as well as the globe’s largest equity and bond markets, but investors continue to reassess their exposure one year on from liberation day.' The next few months of steadily increasing confidence levels followed probably the calmest period in the second Trump presidency. But sentiment began to fall again in the autumn as the White House battled with Congress over the federal budget deficit and much of the public sector was shut down. A poll by the University of Michigan showed consumer confidence at a near record low at the end of 2025. A six-month moving average produced by the Conference Board showed every generation, from baby boomers to gen Xers, had lost confidence in the economy over the past year. Trump’s liberation day executive order stated: 'The decline of US manufacturing capacity threatens the US economy in other ways, including through the loss of manufacturing jobs.' However, the US manufacturing sector shed 100,000 jobs between January 2025 and March 2026. The ratio of manufacturing workers to total nonfarm employment fell to the lowest point since 1939. Bryan Riley, the director of the National Taxpayers Union Foundation’s free trade initiative, said: 'One year after liberation day, the evidence is in. Tariffs failed even by the Trump administration’s own terms. They did not shrink the trade deficit, did not revitalise manufacturing and did not help farmers. It would be a mistake to replace one set of failed tariffs with another.' Some major US companies have redirected their investments to Europe, but China has proved to be one of the main beneficiaries. In the year to February 2026, China’s industrial profits increased by 15.2%. It's a boom that Beijing will struggle to repeat should Chinese companies face fuel and energy shortages and price hikes. But the decline of two major powers can only be to China’s gain.

UK drivers are being urged to hunt for the cheapest petrol as they prepare for an estimated 21.7 million journeys over the Easter bank‑holiday weekend – the busiest on the roads since 2022. Data from the RAC shows that the average price of a litre of unleaded petrol jumped 20p in March, rising from 132.83p on 1 April to 152.83p on 31 April. This is the fastest monthly increase on record, eclipsing the previous high of 16.6p recorded in June 2022 after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. RAC policy chief Simon Williams called the rise “unprecedented” but stressed that travellers should fill up as usual and seek the cheapest forecourts nearby ahead of the holiday rush. To ease congestion, National Highways will temporarily suspend 1,500 miles (2,400 km) of roadworks on motorways and major A‑roads in England from Thursday through Easter Monday. The AA predicts this will accommodate roughly 1 million additional trips compared with last year, with traffic expected to peak on Thursday when schools break up. Analysts warn that the sharp fuel‑price surge may curb spending on trips. Susannah Streeter, chief investment strategist at the Wealth Club, noted that shorter journeys and fewer on‑the‑road purchases, such as chocolate treats, are likely. AA survey data shows that just over half of travellers plan to drive less than 50 miles, 5 % expect journeys of 50‑100 miles, about 1 % aim for 100‑200 miles, and fewer than 1 % anticipate trips beyond 200 miles. Rail disruptions are set to push more motorists onto the motorways. Engineering works will suspend west‑coast mainline services between London Euston and Milton Keynes from Good Friday to 8 April, and there will be no trains on several routes—including Preston to Lancaster (4‑5 April), Winchester to Southampton, and Herne Bay to Ramsgate—while services between London Waterloo and Clapham Junction will be reduced. Despite domestic challenges, the travel trade body ABTA estimates that 2 million UK residents will travel abroad this weekend. EasyJet is gearing up for its busiest Easter period yet, planning to operate 16,000 flights from UK airports over the two‑week school break. Passengers heading to the European Union should also prepare for potential two‑hour delays due to the rollout of the EU’s Entry‑Exit System, which requires third‑country nationals, including UK travellers, to submit photographs and fingerprints before entering the Schengen area.