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Djibouti, a country with a population of less than a million people and no significant natural resources, has become a crucial hub for foreign military bases. The nation's strategic location at the entrance to the Red Sea, a vital maritime chokepoint through which roughly 12 percent of global maritime trade passes daily, has made it an attractive location for global powers.The country's President, Ismail Omar Guelleh, has leveraged Djibouti's strategic importance to advance his own aims, welcoming bases from the US, China, France, Japan, and Italy. These countries pay significant fees for the privilege of hosting their bases, with the US paying $65 million annually, France $30 million, China $20 million, and Italy and Japan over $3 million each.The Bab-el-Mandeb strait, a narrow corridor barely 30 kilometers wide, is a critical passage for global trade and communication cables. The region's instability, particularly with the US and Israel at war with Iran, has heightened Djibouti's importance. Federico Donelli, author of 'Power Competition in the Red Sea,' notes that Djibouti sits at the center of many global interests, including trade, shipping, and fiber optic connectivity.Djibouti's base-for-cash model is part of a broader development strategy, including significant infrastructure investment from Chinese firms and a new railway linking landlocked Ethiopia to the coast. However, the country's economic benefits have not trickled down to its citizens, with official unemployment near 40 percent and over one in five people living in extreme poverty.The opposition leader, Daher Ahmed Farah, has criticized Guelleh's rule, stating that the country's strategic position and hosting of military bases have not benefited the Djiboutian people. The US embassy has warned Americans to avoid areas near Camp Lemonnier, citing threats against US interests, while Finance Minister Ilyas Dawaleh has expressed concerns about the Iran war risks pushing Djibouti into deeper economic uncertainty.

The United States government has reaffirmed its position that it plans to deport Salvadoran immigrant Kilmar Abrego Garcia to Liberia, despite arguments that doing so would be vindictive.On Tuesday, lawyers for the administration of President Donald Trump told US federal judge Paula Xinis that it remains committed to Liberia as a destination.Abrego Garcia, however, has said that, if he must be deported, he would prefer to be sent to Costa Rica, and the government there has indicated it would accept him.But the Trump administration’s insistence on sending Abrego Garcia to Africa has raised questions about its motive.Critics have accused the US government of seeking retribution against Abrego Garcia, whose case has spurred scrutiny over the legality of Trump’s mass deportation campaign.The case began with a high-profile mistake. In March 2025, less than three months into Trump’s second term, Abrego Garcia was wrongfully deported to his native El Salvador, in violation of a 2019 protection order that found he could face gang violence if returned to the country.The Trump administration, at the time, described Abrego Garcia’s removal as an “administrative error”.Still, it initially refused to seek his return, arguing that Abrego Garcia was a gang member and that, once abroad, he was subject to El Salvador’s leadership. Abrego Garcia, though, had no criminal record at the time of his deportation.Abrego Garcia was imprisoned, first at El Salvador’s Terrorism Confinement Centre (CECOT) and later in a second prison in Santa Ana, El Salvador.Meanwhile, lawyers in the US had turned to US courts to reverse his deportation.In early April 2025, Judge Xinis ruled that the US government had to “facilitate” Abrego Garcia’s return to the country, and later that month, the US Supreme Court upheld her ruling in a unanimous decision.But it was only in June 2025 that Abrego Garcia was brought back to the US. In announcing Abrego Garcia’s return, the Trump administration revealed it would be filing criminal charges against him for human smuggling.He pleaded not guilty, but was forced to remain in jail. The Trump administration had deemed him a flight risk, and his own lawyers feared that stepping out of his jail cell would land him in immigration detention instead.When a court ordered his release in August, this is exactly what happened: Immigration agents took him back into custody within days.Authorities at the time said they would deport him to Uganda. Later, they changed the proposed destination to Liberia.Abrego Garcia was ultimately freed from immigration detention in December, but he continues to fight both his criminal charges and his deportation proceedings.At Tuesday’s hearing, Judge Xinis questioned why the Trump administration would not consider deporting Abrego Garcia to Costa Rica instead of Liberia.She pointed out that the country had recently inked an agreement to accept 25 removals from the US per week.In response, Ernesto Molina, the director of the Justice Department’s Office of Immigration Litigation, suggested that Abrego Garcia could “remove himself” to Costa Rica.But Xinis called the proposal a “fantasy” and noted that he cannot leave as long as the Justice Department is prosecuting him on criminal charges. He is legally required to attend his criminal hearings.After the tense exchange, Xinis set another hearing on the matter for April 28.

Health‑service workers have voiced strong unease after it emerged that engineers from the controversial US tech firm Palantir were issued NHS.net email accounts. Those accounts unlock a directory containing contact details for as many as 1.5 million NHS staff members, as well as access to SharePoint file‑sharing and Microsoft Teams groups used by the service. Palantir’s engineers are supporting the rollout of the Federated Data Platform (FDP), a £300 million contract awarded in 2023 to link patient records across disparate NHS systems. The government touts FDP as a cornerstone of its plan to "reinvent the NHS" by moving from analogue to digital, promising faster diagnoses, better appointment allocation and more personalised treatment. While the use of NHS email accounts by external suppliers is not unprecedented, Palantir’s reputation for AI‑driven surveillance and military‑grade technology has amplified staff, patient and human‑rights concerns. Rory Gibson, a resident doctor, warned that his personal contact details should not be accessible to a company that also works on drone‑strike systems. The Guardian has identified at least six Palantir engineers who have been given NHS.net credentials. In response, a Palantir spokesperson argued that such access is "normal practice for government suppliers" and cited official guidance that government systems are more secure than external alternatives. Palantir claims its software has already yielded measurable benefits: 110,000 additional operations, a 15.3% reduction in discharge delays and a 6.8% rise in cancer diagnoses within 28 days of referral. The company stresses that it merely provides software, with data usage remaining under NHS control and subject to strict contractual confidentiality. David Rowland, director of the Centre for Health and the Public Interest, acknowledged that granting NHS email addresses may not breach rules but highlighted the "deep ethical concerns" that Palantir’s profit‑driven model clashes with NHS values. He called for a comprehensive review of which private firms receive public‑sector funding. Some NHS staff reported being placed in virtual Teams meetings with Palantir personnel who joined using NHS credentials, without any disclosure of their employer – a practice that further eroded trust. Under the NHSmail access policy, "independent sector organisations" delivering health and social‑care services nationally may use NHSmail. An unrestricted NHS.net account can reveal staff roles, locations, workplace details and even grant access to commercial "Blue Light" discounts. Palantir’s technology is already deployed by UK police forces and the Ministry of Defence, prompting critics to warn that its "drag‑and‑drop" interoperability could facilitate state overreach, including a potential British analogue of the US Immigration and Customs Enforcement agency. The firm’s founders include US businessman and former Trump supporter Peter Thiel and CEO Alex Karp, both known for advocating aggressive surveillance tools. Its UK arm is led by Louis Mosley, grandson of historic British fascist leader Oswald Mosley. An NHS spokesperson reiterated that all suppliers, including Palantir, operate strictly under NHS instruction, with data access governed by robust contractual confidentiality obligations.

Bill Ackman's Pershing Square has unveiled a €55.75 bn cash‑and‑shares bid to acquire Universal Music Group (UMG), valuing the label at €30.40 per share – a 78% premium over the previous close of €17.10. The proposal translates to roughly $64.31 bn, positioning it as one of the largest recent takeovers in the entertainment sector. The offer is tied to a strategic plan to relocate UMG’s primary listing from Amsterdam to New York. A U.S. listing would broaden the investor base, potentially attracting index funds and enhancing liquidity, which Ackman argues could lift earnings and drive a higher market valuation. In a letter to UMG’s board, Ackman praised chairman‑CEO Lucian Grainge while criticizing what he described as an “underutilized balance sheet” and the company’s €2.7 bn investment in Spotify Technology. He suggested that a refreshed governance structure – including former Hollywood super‑agent Michael Ovitz as board chair and two Pershing Square directors – would better position the label for future growth. Market reaction was immediate: UMG shares jumped 13% on the news, while Bollore Group’s stock rose 5% and Vivendi’s shares climbed over 10%. Pershing Square currently holds a 4.7% stake in UMG, making it the fourth‑largest shareholder. Key shareholders whose support is essential include Bollore Group (18.5% stake), Vivendi (13.4%), and China’s Tencent. Notably, the Bollore family controls about 80% of UMG’s voting rights, giving it decisive influence over any transaction. Industry analysts point to several headwinds that have pressured UMG’s share price, which has fallen nearly one‑third since its 2021 IPO. Streaming growth is decelerating, and concerns about AI‑generated music – from copyright disputes to fully synthetic songs – are reshaping the competitive landscape. A recent survey found that 97% of listeners can differentiate between AI‑created tracks and human‑composed music. Despite these challenges, global music revenues continue to rise year over year, prompting major labels such as Sony and Warner Music to double‑down on streaming partnerships with platforms like Spotify, Amazon, Apple and Deezer. Under the proposed structure, Pershing’s SPARC Holdings would merge with UMG, creating a Nevada‑incorporated entity listed on the New York Stock Exchange. If approved, the deal could set a precedent for how legacy entertainment firms adapt to evolving technology and investor expectations.

Russia has officially confirmed that 16 Cameroonian soldiers have been killed while fighting in its ongoing war against Ukraine. This marks the first time Cameroon has publicly discussed the involvement of its nationals in the conflict.In a statement broadcast on state media, the Foreign Ministry of Cameroon urged the families of the deceased to contact officials in the capital city of Yaounde. A diplomatic note referred to the deceased as 'military contractors of Cameroonian nationality' operating in a special military operation zone, a term Russia uses to describe Ukraine.The confirmation comes amid reports of foreigners from various nations being pulled into Russia's invasion forces. Cameroon has warned its citizens against taking part in foreign conflicts, and its defence minister has expressed concern about soldiers leaving the country to join the war in Ukraine.Ukraine has reported that over 1,700 Africans are fighting for Russia, though analysts believe the true figure may be higher. Several African countries have reported that their citizens have been tricked into fighting for Russia with promises of lucrative jobs or skills training.Other nations have also reported citizens being recruited to fight in Ukraine. For example, Kenya's parliament was presented with an intelligence report stating that 1,000 Kenyans were recruited after being misled with false promises of jobs. Two Nigerians were killed late last year while fighting for Russia, according to Ukraine's intelligence agency.Russian authorities have denied illegally recruiting African citizens to fight in Ukraine. However, young men from South Asia have also joined the Russian army after being promised lucrative salaries and benefits. At least 202 Indian nationals have been recruited, with at least 26 killed, according to India's Foreign Ministry.

U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) agents are not armed while working in Canada, the agency said in a statement released as the 2026 FIFA World Cup draws near. The clarification comes amid public anxiety that U.S. officers might be deployed at tournament venues in Toronto and Vancouver.According to an ICE spokesperson quoted by CBC, the agency’s personnel collaborate with Canadian law‑enforcement partners on joint investigations into narcotics, weapons smuggling and human trafficking. However, they do not perform operational duties such as executing search warrants or making arrests on Canadian soil.ICE maintains five offices across Canada, including locations in the World Cup host cities of Toronto and Vancouver, which together will host 13 matches. Despite this presence, a spokesperson for Public Safety Minister Gary Anandasangaree emphasized that ICE has no legal jurisdiction in Canada.Federal law grants U.S. immigration agents the power to arrest and detain individuals suspected of violating U.S. immigration statutes, but those powers do not extend beyond American borders. The distinction is crucial as Toronto’s city council recently passed a motion opposing any deployment of U.S. agents at World Cup venues.The clarification follows earlier protests, such as the February demonstration in Milan where hundreds rallied against ICE’s presence ahead of the Milano‑Cortina Winter Games. Those events underscore the sensitivity surrounding foreign law‑enforcement agencies operating in host nations of major sporting events.By confirming that its agents are unarmed and lack enforcement authority in Canada, ICE aims to allay concerns and preserve the collaborative spirit between the United States and Canada as they prepare for a tournament expected to draw millions of visitors.

The nursery I visited, with its free croissants and Scandinavian-style furniture, seemed like a luxury, but it was just one example of how private equity has quietly infiltrated our daily lives. These firms now own a vast array of essential services, including water companies, apartment blocks, student accommodation, care homes, and children's homes.The problems arise when profit-driven fund managers prioritize returns over social welfare. Nurseries backed by private equity have reported profits up to seven times greater than non-profit nurseries, while spending up to 14% less on staff and experiencing higher staff turnover rates. This model is unsustainable and can leave parents without childcare and workers without jobs.Private equity's business model, which often involves leveraged buyouts and loading debt onto companies, can have disastrous effects on public services. The industry's lack of transparency and accountability makes it difficult to track the flow of money and hold fund managers accountable.The rise of private equity reflects a broader shift in capitalism, where debt-driven speculation has become a dominant route to building wealth. This has led to a zero-sum game where some individuals' gains come at the expense of others. As capitalism evolves, it's clear that those on top have discovered a new formula for building wealth: buying up essential services, loading them with debt, and passing the consequences on to the public.

Tens of thousands of people have been hired by Scale AI – a firm 49% owned by Meta – to train artificial‑intelligence models by scraping Instagram accounts, harvesting copyrighted artwork and transcribing pornographic soundtracks, according to the Guardian.Scale AI promotes its Outlier platform as a flexible, expert‑driven marketplace, recruiting professionals from medicine, physics and economics to "become the expert that AI learns from."Workers, however, say the reality diverges sharply from high‑level model refinement. They describe tasks that involve massive personal‑data scraping and content that many find morally uncomfortable.Outlier is managed by Scale AI, which holds contracts with the U.S. Pentagon and other defense companies. Its chief executive, Alexandr Wang, is hailed by Forbes as the world’s youngest self‑made billionaire, while former managing director Michael Kratsios served as science adviser to former President Donald Trump.One contractor noted that users of Meta platforms would be shocked to learn their photos and friends’ images are being harvested for AI training, with workers manually reviewing profiles to extract data.The Guardian interviewed ten Outlier contributors – many also journalists, graduate students, teachers or librarians – who took the gig work out of economic desperation. One said, "A lot of us were really desperate" and felt compelled to accept the unstable, low‑pay assignments.These gig workers, dubbed “taskers,” often feel they are training their own replacements, expressing “internalised shame and guilt” over contributing to the automation of creative professions.Law firm Clarkson, representing AI gig workers, estimates that hundreds of thousands of people worldwide now labor on platforms like Outlier. Taskers report bait‑and‑switch recruitment tactics, where advertised high salaries are replaced by lower‑paid projects after onboarding.All contributors are monitored through a tool called Hubstaff, which can screenshot browsers to verify work. While Scale AI claims the software is only for accurate payment, workers describe it as constant surveillance.Assignments have ranged from transcribing pornographic audio and labeling photos of dead animals or dog faeces, to annotating diagrams of infant genitalia and violent police scenarios. One doctoral student recounted being promised “no nudity” only to receive explicit porn clips.Scale AI says it shuts down any task flagged as inappropriate and does not accept projects involving child sexual‑abuse material or pornography, though workers note that publicly available images of minors have been used for training.Social‑media scraping tasks required workers to tag individuals by name, location and age, sometimes pulling data from accounts of users under 18. One task asked contributors to order Facebook photos by the subject’s age, prompting ethical unease.In addition to personal data, taskers were asked to harvest copyrighted artwork, with strict instructions to avoid AI‑generated images and select only hand‑drawn pieces. Scale AI maintains it does not ask workers to violate copyright standards.Scale AI’s client list includes major tech firms such as Google, Meta and OpenAI, as well as the U.S. Department of Defense and the government of Qatar, highlighting the growing demand for labelled data as AI models scale.Some workers reported interacting with ChatGPT and Claude, and speculated they might be training Meta’s upcoming model, code‑named “Avocado.”OpenAI announced it ended its partnership with Scale AI in June 2025, citing its supplier code of conduct that mandates ethical treatment of all workers.Despite irregular pay, occasional mass layoffs and the unsettling nature of many tasks, many taskers remain on the Outlier platform, hoping the AI future will eventually improve conditions. One said, "I have to be positive about AI because the alternative is not great."In response, a Scale AI spokesperson stated, "Outlier provides flexible, project‑based work with transparent pay. Contributors choose when and how they participate, and we regularly hear from highly skilled contributors who value the flexibility and opportunity to apply their expertise on the platform."

When Elle Middlemas turned 18, she began wondering whether she owned a Child Trust Fund (CTF) – a government‑backed savings account created for children born between 1 September 2002 and 2 January 2011. Her search hit a dead end; she could not confirm if she was entitled to any money and an email to HMRC yielded no response.Middlemas, a Whitby college student, explained that the loss of her mother at age 11 left her with little guidance. “My sister is 21 and spent three years looking for a fund and found nothing, so we assumed we didn’t have one,” she said, expressing the frustration felt by many of her peers.She and her sister are part of an estimated 758,000 people aged 18‑23 who have unclaimed CTFs. Collectively, these dormant accounts hold roughly £1.5 bn, a substantial sum that disproportionately belongs to low‑income families who are often unaware of its existence.Advocates are now pressing the government to automatically release CTFs when holders reach 21 years of age. Experts estimate that such a policy could inject up to £286 m directly into the pockets of young people who need it most.Middlemas finally learned of her entitlement after a conversation with a friend’s parent six months after her birthday. She discovered the Share Foundation, a charity that helps reconnect youths with their funds, and located a NatWest account bearing her name.“I had £700 sitting in my bank and thought, ‘What is going on?’ My sister also had one but never knew how to access it,” she recalled. The sisters plan to use the money to support university expenses and repay debts, underscoring the tangible impact of the scheme.The CTF programme was launched by the Labour government in 2005 to encourage parental savings. Every child received a £250 government contribution, with an additional £250 for those from low‑income families or in local authority care. Parents could add up to £9,000 per year, and any investment gains accrued until the child turned 18.If a parent failed to open an account within 12 months of birth, HMRC would create one on the child’s behalf. Today, the average value of a CTF stands at about £2,200.More than two‑thirds of the six million original recipients are now over 18 and eligible to claim their funds, with HMRC‑allocated accounts representing 28 % of all CTFs.Geographically, the North‑East of England has the highest concentration of HMRC‑allocated accounts, totalling £48 m. Across the UK, youths from the most disadvantaged 15 % of families hold accounts averaging £2,900 in value.Gavin Oldham, chief executive of the Share Foundation, warned that the scheme is hampered by poor communication, limited financial education, and “policy neglect”. He indicated the charity is considering a judicial review to compel the government to release the unclaimed assets.Oldham noted that the charity has already linked “well over 100,000 accounts to young adults”, yet the “sheer quantum of these unclaimed accounts remains a major problem”.“It is strange to find a government which expresses concern over youth poverty while doing so little to deliver on a groundbreaking scheme,” Oldham added.The charity’s proposal to release HMRC‑allocated funds automatically at 21 would free roughly £500 m, including £350 mOldham cautioned that a legal challenge, while potentially successful, could delay payouts for years, leaving vulnerable youths “denied their birthright for far too long”.Beyond immediate release, the Share Foundation is urging the creation of a new, targeted scheme for low‑income youths that embeds a financial‑awareness component, allowing participants to top up their funds through education‑linked incentives.Labour MP Laura Kyrke‑Smith echoed these concerns, describing the CTF system as “confusing and opaque” and calling for proactive tracing of account holders and clearer public information.HMRC responded that it is “directly sending every eligible young person information to help them find their child trust fund”, while also raising awareness via social media, broadcast interviews, and an online tracing tool. The agency added that banks, building societies, and investment firms managing the funds share responsibility for communicating with account holders.