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Millions of Indians have cast their votes in local elections in two states and a federally-governed territory, marking a crucial test of support for Prime Minister Narendra Modi and his right-wing Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). The elections, held in Assam, Kerala, and the Union Territory of Puducherry, are part of five key contests scheduled this month. Voting was held on Thursday, with results due on May 4. Prime Minister Modi appealed to people to exercise their franchise in large numbers, stating, “I hope that the state’s youth and women voters participate enthusiastically and make this election a celebration of democracy and public duty.” In Assam, a BJP-led alliance has ruled the northeastern state for two successive terms and is expected to retain power. However, the BJP did not field any Muslim candidate in Assam, where the community constitutes more than 34 percent of the state’s population. In Kerala, parties opposed to the BJP are set to win, as power traditionally alternates between alliances led by the Indian National Congress and the communist parties. Modi’s party has struggled to gain ground in the state but has invested heavily to expand its presence. The elections are also crucial for opposition parties seeking to build a sustained challenge to the BJP’s dominance across the country. The outcome could show whether Modi’s party can extend its dominance by making inroads into opposition strongholds.

The conflict that erupted in April 2023 between Sudan’s army and the Rapid Support Forces has driven the country’s humanitarian situation to catastrophic levels, according to the international non‑governmental organisation Humanity & Inclusion.Three years on, the NGO warns that civilians are enduring a deepening crisis, while people with disabilities are confronting extreme challenges as violence continues, essential services crumble, and unexploded ordnance spreads across former battle zones.Humanity & Inclusion estimates that 11.6 million Sudanese have been displaced by the fighting, and that **more than 33 million people now require humanitarian assistance**—roughly half the nation’s population. By the end of January 2026, over **3 million displaced individuals had begun returning home**, including **700,000 who had fled abroad**. Most of these returns have been to states where hostilities have eased, such as Khartoum, the Blue Nile and Gezira regions.The organisation highlights that **4.6 million Sudanese—about 16 % of the total population—live with disabilities**. In conflict‑affected areas this proportion is likely higher due to war‑related injuries, trauma, and deteriorating health conditions. The NGO stresses that disabled persons “face extreme challenges in fleeing violence, accessing aid, and protecting themselves from harm,” and are often among “the first to be left behind,” exposing them to heightened risks of violence, abuse, discrimination and exclusion.Adding to the peril, Humanity & Inclusion points to the lingering presence of **explosive remnants of war**, describing them as a “new and deadly danger” for millions returning to their homes. Unexploded ordnance—including antipersonnel mines—has contaminated former front lines, residential areas, schools, hospitals, places of worship and roadways, severely restricting access to essential services and livelihoods.These findings underscore the urgent need for intensified humanitarian response, targeted protection measures for people with disabilities, and comprehensive clearance of explosive hazards to prevent further civilian casualties and enable the safe return of displaced populations.

Djibouti, a one‑million‑strong nation perched on the Bab al‑Mandeb Strait, is set to hold its presidential election on April 10. All signs point to incumbent Ismail Omar Guelleh securing a sixth term with little genuine opposition. The country’s strategic location—linking the Red Sea to the Gulf of Aden—makes it a linchpin for global trade and a magnet for foreign military installations. The United States, France, China, Italy and Japan all maintain bases there, earning Djibouti the reputation of hosting the highest concentration of overseas military sites. Officially, Djibouti recognizes French and Arabic, while Somali and Afar are widely spoken among the two main ethnic groups, which together comprise roughly 95% of the population. Islam is practiced by about 94% of residents, and the Djiboutian franc remains the national currency. According to the International Foundation for Electoral Systems, 243,471 citizens—about a quarter of the population—are registered to vote, up from roughly 215,000 in the 2021 poll. Historical turnout averages around 67%. IGAD’s eight‑nation bloc has dispatched 17 observers from Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia, South Sudan and Uganda to monitor the process, with a post‑vote statement slated for April 12. Ismail Omar Guelleh, 78, leads the ruling People’s Rally for Progress. After parliament lifted the 75‑year age ceiling in November and abolished term limits back in 2010, Guelleh is now eligible for another term. Critics label his rule as authoritarian, yet they also acknowledge the relative stability he has maintained in a volatile region. Guelleh’s administration has turned Djibouti’s lack of natural resources into a revenue engine by signing infrastructure deals with China and leasing military facilities to Western powers. In 2017, Finance Minister Ilyas Dawaleh estimated that the bases generate roughly $125 million annually, with the United States contributing nearly half of that sum. The U.S. installation, Camp Lemonnier, remains the only permanent American base on the continent. The sole challenger, Mohamed Farah Samatar, runs under the Unified Democratic Centre after breaking away from the ruling party. His campaign slogan—“another Djibouti is possible”—has resonated only modestly, and observers such as Horn‑of‑Africa expert Sonia le Gouriellec describe the contest as a “token competition”. Human‑rights advocates echo this sentiment, calling the election a “masquerade” and a foregone conclusion. Key issues dominate the discourse. Democratic freedoms have eroded; opposition parties have boycotted elections since 2016, and Guelleh captured over 90% of the vote in 2021. The country ranks 168th out of 180 in the 2025 Reporters Without Borders press‑freedom index, and allegations of corruption and nepotism persist, including speculation that Guelleh’s stepson, Naguib Abdallah Kamil, is being groomed for succession. Economically, Djibouti’s reliance on Chinese financing is creating fiscal strain. By 2026 the nation owed China roughly $1.2 billion in loans, prompting the IMF to label its debt profile “in distress and unsustainable”. Massive infrastructure projects—most notably a railway to Ethiopia—have failed to curb poverty, with 73% of the youth unemployed. The country’s lifeline is its port system, which handles virtually all of Ethiopia’s maritime trade, amounting to about $2 billion in annual revenue. Ethiopia’s recent flirtation with a Somaliland port deal threatened Djibouti’s monopoly, though a Turkey‑mediated agreement in late 2024 redirected Ethiopia toward a “reliable and sustainable” sea corridor with Somalia. In sum, the upcoming election is less about a competitive political showdown and more about reaffirming a status quo that intertwines Djibouti’s geopolitical leverage, foreign‑military income, and mounting debt challenges.

From the world’s smallest footballing nation – a population of just 45,319 – the American Samoa women entered the 2026 World Cup qualifiers ranked 153rd, the lowest spot in the global rankings.Team captain Alma Mana’o describes the squad as a close‑knit family, noting that several sets of sisters play together and that the Mana’o family holds the record for the most relatives to appear at FIFA events.In November, the side faced Tonga, the tournament’s highest‑ranked opponent. 18‑year‑old Cassidy Drago etched her name into Samoan folklore by netting the nation’s first ever goal in women’s World Cup qualifying, followed quickly by a second, sealing a 3‑0 victory. The momentum continued with a win over the Cook Islands, cementing their reputation as genuine upset‑makers.The second round seemed to promise a return to reality when the Solomon Islands – 80 places above them in the rankings and 2025 Pacific Nations Cup champions – thrashed American Samoa 7‑1 in an Olympic qualifier. Yet, just 90 minutes later, the Samoans produced one of the competition’s most astonishing results: a 1‑0 win over the same opponents.That triumph was followed by another narrow victory, 1‑0 against neighbouring Samoa, securing a place in the final OFC qualifying round and completing the team’s evolution “from underdog to dark horse,” as Mana’o puts it.Looking ahead, American Samoa will meet Papua New Guinea in Auckland – the venue of their inaugural women’s international match 28 years ago. The squad now benefits from the guidance of Amanda Cromwell, the 1996 U.S. Olympic gold‑medal‑winning coach, who has overseen four wins in five games. Mana’o credits Cromwell with professionalising the program, from nutrition plans to dedicated training staff, and says the new standards will become the norm.Mana’o herself broke ground as the first “off‑island” player in 2011 at age 15, enduring an 8‑0 debut loss. Today she celebrates a new generation of teenagers, such as Mia Toeaina and Naiyah Ve’e, who are experiencing a vastly different, more positive football environment.

A 47‑year‑old woman who had endured three life‑threatening autoimmune diseases for more than a decade is now living a near‑normal life after an experimental CAR‑T cell therapy reset her immune system at University Hospital Erlangen in Germany.Before the procedure she had exhausted nine different treatments with no lasting benefit, relying on daily blood transfusions and continuous anticoagulation to manage her illnesses.Within weeks of the infusion, doctors observed rapid improvement in all three conditions—a world‑first outcome. She has remained in treatment‑free remission for 14 months and has largely returned to everyday activities.Prof Fabian Müller, who led the team, called the speed and depth of the response “remarkable” and said the therapy “significantly improved her quality of life.” He emphasized that clinical trials are required to determine how durable the effect is and whether it can help other autoimmune patients.The patient suffered from three distinct disorders: autoimmune haemolytic anaemia (AIHA), where rogue immune cells destroy red blood cells; immune thrombocytopenia (ITP), which depletes platelets and raises bleeding risk; and antiphospholipid syndrome (APS), which promotes dangerous blood clots. All three stem from malfunctioning B‑cells.With no conventional options left, doctors turned to CAR‑T therapy, a technique that has revolutionised treatment for certain cancers. They harvested her white‑blood cells, isolated the T‑cells, engineered them to recognise the CD19 protein on B‑cells, and reinfused the modified cells.The engineered T‑cells swiftly eliminated the pathogenic B‑cells. She received her last blood transfusion a week after treatment and was able to perform routine tasks within two weeks. Follow‑up tests showed a reconstituted, healthy B‑cell population, suggesting an immune reset. The findings were published in the journal Med.She still exhibits a mildly low white‑cell count and slightly elevated liver enzymes, which researchers attribute to the cumulative impact of prior therapies rather than the CAR‑T product.Rheumatology expert Prof Ben Parker of Manchester University NHS Foundation Trust described the case as encouraging, noting that “the prolonged response off normal therapy suggests there has been an immune reset.” However, he warned that case reports alone cannot confirm efficacy and highlighted ongoing trials for lupus, myositis, multiple sclerosis, systemic sclerosis, vasculitis, and other autoimmune conditions.

On 23 June 2016, the United Kingdom’s electorate shifted from party‑centric voting to a binary choice between staying in or leaving the European Union. A decade later, about 60 % of the population still define themselves by the side they chose in that single referendum, turning a one‑off political decision into a lasting personal identity.While analysts often focus on the policy fallout—economic turbulence, party infighting, and shifting trade relations—the real impact runs deeper. The referendum ignited a civil‑war‑like split that continues to shape elections, media narratives, and everyday conversations across the country.Before the global upheavals of the George Floyd protests and the Covid‑19 vaccine rollout, Brexit was Britain’s most potent form of identity politics. It spawned new media outlets, such as GB News, and programmes like The Rest Is Politics, while also marginalising older cultural tropes like the “centrist dad” or “gammon” heckler on Question Time. Figures such as Nigel Farage and Zack Polanski now occupy the political fringe rather than the mainstream.The analysis draws on the new book Tribal Politics: How Brexit Divided Britain by political scientists Sara Hobolt and James Tilley. Their longitudinal surveys reveal a simple yet striking pattern: the referendum transformed a previously lukewarm public attitude toward the EU into a powerful, identity‑based habit.Prior to 2016, most Britons held only a mild Euroscepticism and gave the EU little thought. Even former Prime Minister David Cameron tried to silence the issue in 2006, believing it failed to engage voters. The sudden elevation of a niche concern to a national obsession forced ordinary citizens to pick a side, discuss it in pubs, and embed it into their self‑image—a process James Clear describes as building “identity‑based habits”.Data from Hobolt and Tilley show that emotional attachment to the Brexit identity was modest before the vote, rose sharply as the referendum approached, and surged dramatically after the result was announced. The post‑vote period saw a flood of EU‑themed merchandise, street rallies, and even flag‑clashes at cultural events such as the 2017 Last Night of the Proms.Crucially, the tribal divide has not faded. By 2025, only around 40 % of “Leavers” feel comfortable discussing politics with “Remainers”, and the sentiment is reciprocated. This goes beyond mere disagreement; it reflects a level of social discrimination where individuals on opposite sides would hesitate to share a home or marry into each other’s families.The authors note that the split now extends to perceptions of reality itself. Even in 2024, Remainers and Leavers disagreed on basic economic indicators, illustrating how the referendum reshaped not just policy preferences but fundamental worldviews.Class‑based voting, which dominated the 20th‑century British political landscape, has been largely supplanted by this new cultural cleavage. A previous study co‑authored by Tilley showed that the Labour Party’s turn toward the political centre in the 1990s eroded traditional working‑class loyalty. Today, leader Keir Starmer’s working‑class credentials appear largely symbolic, offering little substantive change.With class politics receded, culture wars have taken centre stage. The Brexit campaign’s vague promises about trade left the nation with a protracted, messy adjustment period. Immigration, famously dubbed the “baseball bat” issue by Dominic Cummings, remains the most polarising policy divide, followed by foreign aid and even the death penalty.Hobolt and Tilley’s most striking chart shows that while Remainers and Leavers clash over immigration, they share little disagreement on economic equality, workers’ rights, or public ownership—issues that directly affect household incomes. This suggests that the political battle is driven more by symbolic identity than by material concerns, benefitting those already financially secure.In sum, the United Kingdom’s post‑Brexit reality is one of entrenched tribalism, where a single referendum has reshaped social bonds, political discourse, and perceptions of truth itself. The nation continues to grapple with the legacy of a vote that turned a policy decision into a lasting cultural fault line.

The little corella infestation on Kangaroo Island has reached critical levels, with the birds causing widespread destruction and disruption to daily life. Despite a recent culling effort that resulted in the death of 2,640 little corellas, authorities acknowledge that it won't be enough to mitigate the problem.The birds, which are not native to the island, have been covering a local school in faeces, tearing up infrastructure, damaging crops, and causing mental distress to residents with their screeching. They have also been spotted using the nesting hollows of the endangered glossy-black cockatoo, smashing their eggs and killing their nestlings.Past attempts to control populations by shooting, scaring, trapping, or gassing them have failed, with the highly intelligent birds learning how to survive or just moving to cause havoc somewhere else. The Kangaroo Island Landscape Board's general manager, Will Durack, says that night-time shooting was more efficient, with the roosting birds easier to kill in large numbers, but it is not clear how much of a dent they made in the population.The little corellas have created a perfect environment for themselves on the island, with a predictable water supply from stock troughs and dams, and food from grain crops. Residents have expressed concerns about the physical and mental health impacts of the infestation, including the spread of diseases such as ornithosis and the disruption to daily life caused by the birds' loud shrieks.Coordination with other agencies and more resources are needed if the trial is to be expanded, according to the landscape board. A resident, Rodney Bell, has four grandchildren at the school and says: “They poo all over the yard, then the kids are playing in it.” He also mentions that “near the school, they would drive anyone insane from the sheer noise.”

Djibouti, a country with a population of less than a million people and no significant natural resources, has become a crucial hub for foreign military bases. The nation's strategic location at the entrance to the Red Sea, a vital maritime chokepoint through which roughly 12 percent of global maritime trade passes daily, has made it an attractive location for global powers.The country's President, Ismail Omar Guelleh, has leveraged Djibouti's strategic importance to advance his own aims, welcoming bases from the US, China, France, Japan, and Italy. These countries pay significant fees for the privilege of hosting their bases, with the US paying $65 million annually, France $30 million, China $20 million, and Italy and Japan over $3 million each.The Bab-el-Mandeb strait, a narrow corridor barely 30 kilometers wide, is a critical passage for global trade and communication cables. The region's instability, particularly with the US and Israel at war with Iran, has heightened Djibouti's importance. Federico Donelli, author of 'Power Competition in the Red Sea,' notes that Djibouti sits at the center of many global interests, including trade, shipping, and fiber optic connectivity.Djibouti's base-for-cash model is part of a broader development strategy, including significant infrastructure investment from Chinese firms and a new railway linking landlocked Ethiopia to the coast. However, the country's economic benefits have not trickled down to its citizens, with official unemployment near 40 percent and over one in five people living in extreme poverty.The opposition leader, Daher Ahmed Farah, has criticized Guelleh's rule, stating that the country's strategic position and hosting of military bases have not benefited the Djiboutian people. The US embassy has warned Americans to avoid areas near Camp Lemonnier, citing threats against US interests, while Finance Minister Ilyas Dawaleh has expressed concerns about the Iran war risks pushing Djibouti into deeper economic uncertainty.

Across Iraq, public gatherings and street celebrations have erupted as the United States and Iran announce a two‑week ceasefire, initiating the first formal halt in their recent conflict. The pause, set to begin immediately, has been welcomed by Iraqis who view it as a hopeful step toward regional stability. While details of the agreement remain limited, the visible optimism among the Iraqi population underscores the broader desire for de‑escalation in the Middle East.